Follow us on social

google cta
Tom Massie: Washington purposely blacking out Ukraine casualty data

Tom Massie: Washington purposely blacking out Ukraine casualty data

In a Q&A with RS, the Kentucky lawmaker explains why he is demanding hard numbers

Reporting | Washington Politics
google cta
google cta

Earlier this summer, Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) introduced an amendment to the annual defense policy bill, or National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), which “requires a report on the casualty and equipment losses for both sides involved in the conflict in Ukraine.”

His amendment was accepted into the House’s version of the NDAA and awaits review by the Senate.

In an interview with RS, Rep. Massie — who almost succeeded in getting a similar measure into last year’s NDAA — talked about his motivation behind presenting his amendment this year, as well as some insight into how the conversation about Ukraine is trending on Capitol Hill.

He said several factors motivated him to introduce the amendment, namely that even the House Speaker didn’t know how many Ukrainians have been killed or injured in the war, and that State Department officials seemed to know only Russian casualty statistics — but not those for Ukraine.

Here is the full interview which has been edited for clarity:



RESPONSIBLE STATECRAFT: When looking at this year's NDAA, what was your particular motivation for introducing an amendment like this?

REP. THOMAS MASSIE: Well, in a classified briefing, I stood up and asked what the casualties were on the Ukrainian side, and in that meeting I believe, you had representatives from the intelligence community, and they were briefing us, and they went out of their way to tell us how many Russian casualties there were, and they would not answer my question of how many Ukrainian casualties there were.

And this was a briefing to Congress in a classified setting. They really didn't have an excuse, other than they weren't really sure, which seems like an incredible lie. So then a few months later, I'm in the Speaker's office, and I asked the Speaker if he knew the number of casualties in Ukraine? He began telling me how many Russian casualties there were. I said, Do you know how many Ukrainian casualties there are? And he said, No. I said, Have they ever told you? And he said, No. I said, Have you ever asked? He said, I should ask. So the Speaker of the House doesn't even know. Didn't even know at the time how many casualties there were. And if you ask, for instance, an AI assistant, how many Ukrainian casualties there are, even the AI assistants here in our country can't tell you how many. At the time when I drafted this, AIs came up with wildly different numbers because they're relying on everything that's been published. And there's virtually nothing reliable that's been published.

RS: So based on what you're seeing with support or lack of support, do you have any indication as to how confident you are that this might make it into the final draft this time?

MASSIE: It'll be up to the conference with the Senate, and it'd be interesting to know if there's somebody in the Senate that wants it taken out, because I've heard no real resistance to it here in the House. And think about it, nobody has a good reason.

RS: From my perspective, it's a really good way to bring transparency to the issue. Who can deny that we should have basic casualty numbers?

MASSIE: I’ll give you a related amendment to my amendment, which was from Warren Davidson (FY2024). It said that the administration has to have a strategy and goals related to the Ukraine war. We fought even harder to get that one to a vote, and it failed. And that just blows my mind, that Congress could say, No, we don't want to have any stated goals in Ukraine, we're just going to keep sending money.

RS: Okay, this goes back to my earlier question. Why do you think it's been so difficult to get official numbers on casualty and equipment losses. Have you ever seen this kind of blackout or lack of curiosity related to other conflicts?

MASSIE: We're just being fed propaganda in these classified briefings. And if other members of Congress couldn't see that when I asked the question, then shame on them. Part of the reason I asked that question in that setting, was to show the other members of Congress that they're just giving us one side to try and motivate us to keep sending the money and weapons. I think it's obvious that they're just feeding us propaganda in classified settings, and then I think it's also true that the Speaker himself has been a subject of propaganda and lacks the curiosity to even question the narrative that we're being fed.

RS: Can you speak on why they're presenting you with propaganda?

MASSIE: It's the State Department that's pretty much directing this, and then Congress. It's the tail wagging the dog. Congress is the dog, right, and the State Department believes that war is a tool of statecraft, or diplomacy, that they're going to use war for diplomacy, and they don't want Congress to get in the way. So once it gets started, we're supposed to just open the pocketbooks and let the money flow. And they're afraid if we got any bit of bad news about how the war was going, that there would be a reluctance from Congress to keep funding it, or push for an ending.

RS: Maybe some of your colleagues would contend that the only reason you're raising the issue is to disparage the war effort and make the case for preventing more aid from going to Ukraine. Do you have any thoughts on that?

MASSIE: Well, it's certainly the case that I don't want to send more aid to Ukraine. But if continued funding for Ukraine requires sticking your head in the sand, then I think we need to quit funding Ukraine. I mean, I would just put it back on somebody who thinks that way. If they are worried that knowing this number might diminish the appetite for funding the war, then that’s the main reason that Congress needs to know the casualty numbers.

RS: Was there any other information related to the amendment that you would like people to know?

MASSIE: I hope it makes it into law, and I hope they follow the law and the spirit of the law when it makes it into law, because we certainly have these numbers. We must have very close numbers, and even if they can't make them public, they need to tell Congress. Ultimately, we're the ones who are responsible for watching what's going on and deciding if and how much money to send for this effort.


Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky) (Gage Skidmore/Flickr/Creative Commons)

google cta
Reporting | Washington Politics
South Africa: Between Iran and a hard place (Donald Trump)
Top photo credit: President Cyril Ramaphosa (Photo: GCIS/Flickr) and Donald Trump (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)

South Africa: Between Iran and a hard place (Donald Trump)

Africa

South Africa is struggling to unfurl its wings as a leading middle power and advance its relations with its fellow BRICS members while keeping out of the cross hairs of the U.S. president. This has been particularly hard considering that one member of the Global South grouping — Iran — is on Donald Trump’s current list of potential military targets.

South Africa joined BRICS in 2006. The organization is supposed to serve as an intergovernmental forum for member countries to connect on issues related to diplomacy, security, and economics. But the bloc has angered President Trump, who sees it as a threat to American leadership, particularly given China’s membership in the group.

keep readingShow less
Trump Khamanei
Top image credit: Bella1105/shutterstock.com

Could Trump bomb Iran before settling on a rationale?

Middle East

Shifting justifications for a war are never a good sign, and they strongly suggest that the war in question was not warranted.

In the Vietnam War, the principal public rationale of saving South Vietnam from communism got replaced in the minds of the warmakers — especially after losing hope of winning the contest in Vietnam — by the belief that the United States had to keep fighting to preserve its credibility. In the Iraq War, when President George W. Bush’s prewar argument about weapons of mass destruction fell apart, he shifted to a rationale centered on bringing freedom and democracy to Iraq.

keep readingShow less
James Holtsnider
Top image credit: James Holtsnider, U.S. President Donald Trump's nominee to be ambassador to Jordan, testifies before a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing on nominations on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., U.S., September 11, 2025. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst

New US ambassador's charm offensive is backfiring in Jordan

Middle East

Since arriving in Amman around three months ago to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to Jordan, James Holtsnider quickly became one of the highest-profile envoys in the Hashemite Kingdom. In addition to presenting his credentials to King Abdullah II, Holtsnider has met with Jordanian soccer players, attended weddings, and joined tribal gatherings.

However, a January 14 request by a U.S. Embassy delegation for the ambassador to offer condolences at the family home of former Karak mayor Abdullah Al-Dmour showed that many Jordanians have little interest in participating in Holtsnider’s public relations initiative. Dmour’s relatives rejected the U.S. ambassador’s wish to visit. Dmour’s tribe issued a statement noting Holtsnider’s request “violates Jordanian tribal customs, which separates the sanctity of mourning from any political presence with public implications.”

keep readingShow less
google cta
Want more of our stories on Google?
Click here to make us a Preferred Source.

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.