Follow us on social

Trump Netanyahu

Polls: Americans don't support Trump's war on Iran

The president tapped into mass distrust of the Military Industrial Complex to win re-election, which remains true in recent surveys

Analysis | Military Industrial Complex

While there are serious doubts about the accuracy of President Donald Trump’s claims about the effectiveness of his attacks on Iranian nuclear sites, the U.S./Israeli war on Iran has provided fresh and abundant evidence of widespread opposition to war in the United States.

With a tenuous ceasefire currently holding, several nationwide surveys suggest Trump’s attack, which plunged the country into yet another offensive war in the Middle East, has been broadly unpopular across the country.

Trump’s 2024 election victory, itself, provided evidence of broad anti-war sentiment across the political spectrum given the apparent resonance of Trump portraying himself as the “candidate of peace” amid a backlash against the Biden/Harris administration’s support for Israel’s slaughter in Gaza. In this context, Trump’s attack on Iran represented a major reversal on his campaign promises and an election night pledge not “to start wars” but “to stop wars.”

Previously unreported polling, which I helped conduct, confirms that the “pro-peace” Trump of the campaign and election night was in tune with the attitudes of much of the country. Nationwide, people understand that another in a long series of endless wars will primarily benefit weapons makers, Pentagon contractors, and other parts of the Military Industrial Complex while harming Iranians, Israelis, and, potentially, untold Americans.

Broad opposition to war with Iran

Polling both before and immediately after Trump launched attacks on Iran showed broad opposition to U.S. involvement in Israel’s unprovoked war including among Trump’s base. Most strikingly, 85% of people surveyed nationwide said they don’t want the U.S. to be at war with Iran, while only 5% do, according to YouGov polling conducted in the wake of the bombing.

The same survey showed that significantly more people disapproved of Trump’s attacks compared to those who approved. A Reuters/Ipsos poll found the same gap between those opposed to the bombing (45%) and those supporting (36%). A CNN survey revealed an even larger 12% difference between those opposed (56%) and those approving (44%). Nearly 20% more people disapprove of Trump’s handling of relations with Iran compared to those who approve. A similarly broad gap exists between those who think the attacks will make the U.S. less safe compared to those who think they will make the country safer.

Among Republicans, sharp tensions emerged amid debates over attacking Iran. Nearly two-thirds of Trump voters wanted the U.S. government to “engage in negotiations with Iran about its nuclear program.” Just 24% of Republicans surveyed before the U.S. strikes on Iran favored using the military to destroy the Iranian nuclear program, according to a University of Maryland poll. Amid celebratory reporting on Fox News after the actual attacks, Republican support for Trump’s strikes significantly exceeded that of Democrats and the general public.

Americans support ‘anti-war’ Trump

These patterns of anti-war sentiment are unsurprising for many reasons including the popularity of Trump’s anti-war messaging during the 2024 presidential campaign. “We’re going to end these endless wars,” Trump said on the campaign trail. After winning, Trump doubled down: “I’m not going to start wars, I’m going to stop wars,” he promised in his victory speech.

Candidate Trump went even further to embrace a populist critique of “war profiteering” and the Military Industrial Complex. “I will expel the warmongers from our national security state and carry out a much needed clean-up of the Military Industrial Complex to stop the war profiteering and to always put America first,” he promised during a speech in Wisconsin in September.

“We have these people, they want to go to war all the time,” he said of people embedded in the Military Industrial Complex. “You know why? Missiles are $2 million apiece. That’s why. They love to drop missiles all over the place.”

Before he started firing those very missiles, Trump clearly understood popular anger at the kind of corporate profiteering endemic to the Military Industrial Complex — that powerful system connecting weapons makers, the Pentagon, and Congress, which continually encourages increased spending on endless wars fueling profits for the Complex that President Dwight Eisenhower famously warned about in his 1961 farewell address.

Research that I helped design after the election showed that Trump was onto something: An overwhelming majority of the country — 77% — agrees with Trump that “war profiteers” and “war profiteering” are a problem in the U.S., according to a nationally representative online poll conducted by ReThink Media.

Similarly, nearly two-thirds of people nationwide (64%) believe the Military Industrial Complex “profits from the continuous involvement of the US military in wars, combat, and other deployments in foreign countries.” More than half think the Complex “has too much influence on the country’s foreign policy decisions because of its lobbying and campaign contributions.”

Echoing the Trump who vowed to “clean up” the Military Industrial Complex, more than twice as many people (44%) agree “it’s in our best interest as a nation to reduce the power” of the Complex as opposed to those who disagree (19%).

These findings seem to reflect growing awareness that the weapons manufacturers and other Pentagon contractors at the core of the Military Industrial Complex have been the main beneficiaries of the nearly quarter century of continuous wars that the country has fought since the George W. Bush administration invaded Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003. “Who Won in Afghanistan? Private Contractors,” a Wall Street Journal headline said succinctly in 2021.

More than half of the annual Pentagon budget now goes to private contractors. Five companies profit most: Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon (RTX), Boeing, and General Dynamics. Within hours of Israel attacking Iran, weapons stocks were on the rise despite a sharp decline in the overall stock market. A day after Israel’s attacks started, stock in Northrup, Lockheed, and Raytheon, which sell weapons to the Israeli and U.S. governments, were up between 3% and 4%. Weapons makers’ stocks were up immediately in early trading after Trump’s attacks.

Trump’s empty promises

Trump’s bombing campaign represents the complete shattering of his promises to stop wars rather than start them and to “clean up” the Military Industrial Complex. Of course, he had already embraced the path of endless war by making the United States a combatant in Israel’s illegal, unprovoked war on Iran: the U.S. government played an active role in defending and arming Israel, sharing intelligence, and coordinating the war.

Whether the ceasefire with Iran will hold or not is a major question, especially given Israel’s attacks on Lebanon on Friday, which broke a ceasefire deal with Hezbollah. No matter what Trump boasts about his bombing campaign and no matter what evidence actually shows about its impact on Iran’s nuclear program, the long-term consequences of the war will be impossible to know: the war could help propel Iran toward acquiring nuclear weapons. It could embolden an already unrestrained Israeli government as well as Trump toward the wider use of illegal acts of war against Iran and other nations. It could generate myriad unforeseen forms of violent blowback against and other unanticipated consequences for the United States and Israel.

While Trump may want to call it a “12-day war,” it’s clear the effects won’t be confined to 12 days. So too, Trump’s embrace of yet another in a series of endless wars has provided fresh new evidence that large numbers of people in the U.S. are opposed to war. People understand all too well that when bombs start dropping, ordinary people suffer while war profiteers get rich.


Top image credit: White House April 7, 2025
Analysis | Military Industrial Complex
Pedro Sanchez
Top image credit: Prime Minister of Spain Pedro Sanchez during the summit of Heads of State and Government of the European Union at the European Council in Brussels in Belgium the 26th of July 2025, Martin Bertrand / Hans Lucas via Reuters Connect

Spain's break from Europe on Gaza is more reaction than vision

Europe

The final stage of the Vuelta a España, Spain’s premier cycling race, was abandoned in chaos on Sunday. Pro-Palestinian protesters, chanting “they will not pass,” overturned barriers and occupied the route in Madrid, forcing organizers to cancel the finale and its podium ceremony. The demonstrators’ target was the participation of an Israeli team. In a statement that captured the moment, Spain’s Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez expressed his “deep admiration for the Spanish people mobilizing for just causes like Palestine.”

The event was a vivid public manifestation of a potent political sentiment in Spain — one that the Sánchez government has both responded to and, through its foreign policy, legitimized. This dynamic has propelled Spain into becoming the European Union’s most vocal dissenting voice on the war in Gaza, marking a significant break from the transatlantic foreign policy orthodoxy.

Sanchez’s support for the protesters was not merely rhetorical. On Monday, he escalated his stance, explicitly calling for Israel to be barred from international sports competitions, drawing a direct parallel to the exclusion of Russia over its invasion of Ukraine. “Our position is clear and categorical: as long as the barbarity continues, neither Russia nor Israel should participate in any international competition,” he said. This position, which angered Israel and Spanish conservatives alike, was further amplified by his culture minister, who suggested Spain should boycott next year’s Eurovision Song Contest if Israel participates.

More significantly, it emerged that his government had backed its strong words with concrete action, cancelling a €700 million ($825 million) contract for Israeli-designed rocket launchers. This move, following an earlier announcement of measures aimed at stopping what it called “the genocide in Gaza,” demonstrates a willingness to leverage economic and diplomatic tools that other EU capitals have avoided.

Sánchez, a master political survivalist, has not undergone a grand ideological conversion to anti-interventionism. Instead, he has proven highly adept at reading and navigating domestic political currents. His government’s stance on Israel and Palestine is a pragmatic reflection of his coalition that depends on the support of the left for which this is a non-negotiable priority.

This instinct for pragmatic divergence extends beyond Gaza. Sánchez has flatly refused to commit to NATO’s target of spending 5% of GDP on defense demanded by the U.S. President Donald Trump and embraced by NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, citing budgetary constraints and social priorities.

Furthermore, Spain has courted a role as a facilitator between great powers. This ambition was realized when Madrid hosted a critical high level meeting between U.S. and Chinese trade officials on September 15 — a meeting Trump lauded as successful while reaffirming “a very strong relationship” between the U.S. and China. This outreach is part of a consistent policy; Sánchez’s own visit to Beijing, at a time when other EU leaders like the high representative for foreign policy Kaja Kallas were ratcheting up anti-Chinese rhetoric, signals a deliberate pursuit of pragmatic economic ties over ideological confrontation.

Yet, for all these breaks with the mainstream, Sánchez’s foreign policy is riddled with a fundamental contradiction. On Ukraine, his government remains in alignment with the hardline Brussels consensus. This alignment is most clearly embodied by his proxy in Brussels, Iratxe García Pérez, the leader of the Socialists and Democrats (S&D) group in the European Parliament. In a stark display of this hawkishness, García Pérez used the platform of the State of the Union debate with the EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen to champion the demand to outright seize frozen Russian sovereign assets.

This reckless stance, which reflects the EU’s broader hawkish drift on Ukraine, is thankfully tempered only by a lack of power to implement it, rendering it largely a symbolic act of virtue signaling. The move is not just of dubious legality; it is a significant error in statecraft. It would destroy international trust in the Eurozone as a safe repository for assets. Most critically, it would vaporize a key bargaining chip that could be essential in securing a future negotiated settlement with Russia. It is a case of ideological posturing overriding strategic calculation.

This contradiction reveals the core of Sánchez’s doctrine: it is circumstantial, not convictional. His breaks with orthodoxy on Israel, defense spending and China are significant, but driven, to a large degree, by the necessity of domestic coalition management. His alignment on Ukraine is the path of least resistance within the EU mainstream, requiring no difficult choices that would upset his centrist instincts or his international standing.

Therefore, Sánchez is no Spanish De Gaulle articulating a grand sovereigntist strategic vision. He is a fascinating case study in the fragmentation of European foreign policy. He demonstrates that even within the heart of the Western mainstream which he represents, dissent on specific issues like Gaza and rearmament is not only possible but increasingly politically necessary.

However, his failure to apply the same pragmatic, national interest lens to Ukraine — opting instead for the bloc’s thoughtless escalation — proves that his policy is more a product of domestic political arithmetic than coherent strategic vision. He is a weathervane, not a compass — but even a weathervane can indicate a shift in the wind, and the wind in Spain is blowing away from unconditional Atlanticism.

US think tanks are the world's least transparent
Top image credit: Metamorworks via shutterstock.com

US think tanks are the world's least transparent

Washington Politics

According to a new survey, North American think tanks are tied as the least transparent of any region. The poll, conducted by On Think Tanks, surveyed 335 think tanks from over 100 countries. The accompanying report, released today, found that only 35% of North American think tanks (mostly from the U.S.) that responded to the survey disclose funding sources. By comparison, 67% of Asian think tanks and 58% of African think tanks disclose their funding sources.

And there are signs that think tank funding transparency is trending towards more opacity. Just last month, the Center for American Progress — a major center-left think tank with $46 million in annual revenue — announced that it would no longer disclose its donors. The think tank said it was taking this “temporary protective step” out of concern that the Trump administration could target them.

keep readingShow less
Fort Bragg horrors expose dark underbelly of post-9/11 warfare
Top photo credit: Seth Harp book jacket (Viking press) US special operators/deviant art/creative commons

Fort Bragg horrors expose dark underbelly of post-9/11 warfare

Media

In 2020 and 2021, 109 U.S. soldiers died at Fort Bragg, the largest military base in the country and the central location for the key Special Operations Units in the American military.

Only four of them were on overseas deployments. The others died stateside, mostly of drug overdoses, violence, or suicide. The situation has hardly improved. It was recently revealed that another 51 soldiers died at Fort Bragg in 2023. According to U.S. government data, these represent more military fatalities than have occurred at the hands of enemy forces in any year since 2013.

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.