Follow us on social

Shutterstock_730156222-scaled

Afghanistan a year later: Will 'over the horizon' normalize Endless War?

In the past, Washington needed everyone's support behind military conflicts. Today it wants people to forget. Drones help them do that.

Analysis | Asia-Pacific

When President Joe Biden announced on August 31, 2021, that the war in Afghanistan had ended, he also emphasized that the U.S. use of force in the region would continue. 

 “We just don’t need to fight a ground war to do it,” he explained. “We have what’s called over-the-horizon capabilities, which means we can strike terrorists and targets without American boots on the ground—or very few, if needed.” 

An early milestone in the administration’s remote war strategy was the killing of Al Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahri nearly a year later. Remote war that relies on machines rather than human soldiers has advantages — particularly protecting the lives of American military personnel. Drone warfare has been criticized for its impact on civilians in conflict zones, however. It can also undermine transparency, public awareness in the U.S., and political accountability, thereby enabling endless war.

Controlling the Message

During U.S. ground wars, American presidents understood that public awareness and engagement were crucial. 

U.S. photo censorship during World War II illustrates the way the government can curate an image of remote war in order to calibrate public engagement. When World War II began, U.S. censors blocked graphic images of U.S. casualties out of concern that they might fuel antiwar sentiment. As the war dragged on, President Franklin D. Roosevelt was concerned about domestic complacency. He needed more than political support for the administration’s war effort. Public commitment to war support might keep workers on the job for long hours producing war materiel. In order to enhance public support, FDR eased photo censorship, thinking that more graphic images might motivate U.S. civilians.

A result of this change was the first photograph of the bodies of dead American soldiers published in Life magazine in 1943. Three dead men in U.S. military uniforms lay on the sand after a battle on Buna Beach, New Guinea. The image is gentle for a war photograph. The bodies are intact. Their faces are not visible. A transport vehicle is partly submerged in the bay, but otherwise it is not a scene of devastation. Still, the editors expected the photo of dead U.S. soldiers to provoke outrage, so they accompanied it with an editorial defending the importance of showing Americans what their soldiers were experiencing. 

The fuller war experience of course remained hidden for years in classified files, including a shocking Army Signal Corps photo of a jumbled pile of American dead bodies waiting for transport in New Guinea now accessible in the National Archives.

During World War II — through both censorship and release of selected images of harm to U.S. personnel  — the federal government sought to shape the public’s understanding of the war. The purpose was to maintain domestic war support, and to dampen both complacency and antimilitarism.

Release of certain media coupled with censorship continued in later U.S. wars, but independent journalism and photography began to  shape a more graphic and candid view of war, which is not what the government wanted. The result: rising awareness about civilian harm, such as the famous photograph of nine-year-old Phan Thi Kim Phuc in Vietnam, running naked after being burned by napalm, and photos of massacred civilians at My Lai. In contrast, there were no photojournalists at the No Gun Ri massacre early in the Korean War, and those civilian killings by American soldiers are not well known.

Moreover, these brutal images, combined with the footage of thousands of U.S. soldiers coming home in coffins and with devastating injuries, invigorated support for the antiwar movement, helping to hasten the end of the war.

Further distancing Americans from war

Twenty years later, war technology changed what the American public could see. During the brief Persian Gulf War of 1991 the only images were distant explosions on CNN, with General Norman Schwarzkopf sharing the glories of a new laser-guided missile seeking its target. Compared with Vietnam War-era carpet bombing, “precision” made war seem more humane and cleaner.

During the Global War on Terror, increasing reliance on air strikes and drone technology has made machines the new American military heroes. The persistent difficulty, however, is that accurate targeting depends on intelligence — a problem amplified more recently during the U.S. pullout from Afghanistan, when an Afghan employee for a U.S. humanitarian nonprofit was misidentified as a threat. He and ten family members were killed in a drone strike.

Use of drones has meant fewer U.S. boots on the ground, however, reducing American military casualties. This is, of course, a benefit for American families. It also has a consequence for democratic limits on war powers. Most Americans do not have relatives deployed in our ongoing wars, even as drone operators, who are far from the site of conflict. There are fewer scenes of U.S. coffins arriving at Dover airfield. American casualties sometimes lead the U.S. public to pay attention to war. When the mounting casualties are instead foreign civilians, a distracted public pays little attention.

In contrast to the World War II years, American presidents are not seeking to deepen the citizenry's engagement with war. They do not need to follow Roosevelt in seeking to ignite the public’s sense of sacrifice. Instead, most of the time, war goes on behind the scenes. Presidential power does not depend on domestic mobilization. Instead, it is enabled by the public’s inattention. 

Public engagement can help end wars, as we know from the U.S. war in Vietnam. Public disengagement enables war to go on in the background, far from everyday life in the United States. The idea of “over the horizon” war is a signal to Americans that war happens someplace else. It won’t hurt them. It doesn’t need to bother them. 

This makes journalism — in spite of the challenges posed by drone war— more important than ever, enabling civilians to see the human face of conflict. Public awareness alone may not end ongoing war, but it is an essential precondition to reinvigorating political limits on U.S. war powers. 


Image: sibsky2016 via shutterstock.com
Analysis | Asia-Pacific
Bernie Sanders Chris Van Hollen
Top image credit: U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders (I-VT) speaks during a press conference regarding legislation that would block offensive U.S. weapons sales to Israel, at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, U.S., November 19, 2024. REUTERS/Elizabeth Frantz
Will Senate vote signal a wider shift away from Israel?

Can Bernie stop billions in new US weapons going to Israel?

Middle East

Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and National Security Advisor Mike Waltz have been roundly criticized for the security lapse that put journalist Jeffrey Goldberg into a Signal chat where administration officials discussed bombing Houthi forces in Yemen, to the point where some, like Sen. Mark Warner (D-Va.) have called for their resignations.

But the focus on the process ignores the content of the conversation, and the far greater crime of continuing to provide weapons that are inflaming conflicts in the Middle East and enabling Israel’s war on Gaza, which has resulted in the deaths of over 50,000 Palestinians, most of them civilians.

keep readingShow less
Friedrich Merz
Top photo credit: German Prime Minister-in-waiting Friedrich Merz (Shutterstock.Penofoto)

German leaders miscalculated popular will for war spending

Europe

Recent polls show the center right Christian Democrats (CDU-CSU) headed by prospective chancellor Friedrich Merz losing ground against the populist right Alternative for Germany (AfD), even before the new government has been formed.

The obvious explanation is widespread popular dissatisfaction with last month’s vote pressed through the outgoing parliament by the CDU-CSU and presumptive coalition partner the SPD (with the Greens) to allow unlimited increases in defense spending. This entailed disabling the constitutional “debt brake” introduced in 2009 to curb deficits and public debt.

keep readingShow less
Is US bombing Somalia just because it can?
Top Image Credit: The aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan (CVN 76), foreground, leads a formation of Carrier Strike Group Five ships as Air Force B-52 Stratofortress aircraft and Navy F/A-18 Hornet aircraft pass overhead for a photo exercise during Valiant Shield 2018 in the Philippine Sea Sept. 17, 2018. The biennial, U.S. only, field-training exercise focuses on integration of joint training among the U.S. Navy, Air Force and Marine Corps. This is the seventh exercise in the Valiant Shield series that began in 2006. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Erwin Miciano)

Is US bombing Somalia just because it can?

QiOSK

U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) conducted an airstrike in Somalia against ISIS targets on Saturday, killing “multiple ISIS-Somalia operatives.” It was the eighth such strike in the short time that Trump has been in office, reflecting a quiet, but deadly American campaign in a part, of the world that remains far below the public radar.

“AFRICOM, alongside the Federal Government of Somalia and Somali Armed Forces, continues to take action to degrade ISIS-Somalia's ability to plan and conduct attacks that threaten the U.S. homeland, our forces, and our civilians abroad,” a Sunday AFRICOM press release stated.

keep readingShow less

Trump transition

Latest

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.