Follow us on social

2023-05-08t065321z_158633182_rc21p0a5d28k_rtrmadp_3_sudan-politics-southsudan-scaled

The conflict in Sudan threatens to devolve into a regional maelstrom

Given the number of potential spoilers and intruders, the US and other peace brokers urgently need to bring in the United Nations.

Analysis | Africa

Sudan’s war is on the brink of igniting a regional ring of fire. That can be prevented — but it needs the United Nations to play its role.

At the weekend, the U.S. and Saudi Arabia convened talks in Jeddah on a short-term ceasefire to allow aid in and civilians out. That is a tough ask. But the American and Saudi diplomats face a second, equally difficult challenge: how to insulate the Sudan crisis from becoming ensnared in regional and global antagonisms.

No outside player wanted the war, and none want it to escalate — and that includes Russia and China. External powers, especially in the Middle East, may have their favorites to head the country, but none of them want to see their candidate ruling over ruins. With every passing day, the risk is rising that outside powers become entangled.

Egypt openly favors General Abdel Fatah al-Burhan, head of the Sudan Armed Forces, or SAF. Turkey and Qatar, both of which have close ties to Sudan’s Islamists, lean that way. The United Arab Emirates has ties to both generals, but has closer political and commercial ties with his rival, General Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, known as “Hemedti,” and his Rapid Support Forces, or RSF.

The Arab League has followed the Egyptian position, identifying al-Burhan as representing the Sudanese state, implicitly labeling Hemedti as a rebel.

The Wagner Group has a partnership with the RSF, but the Kremlin also has interests in a Red Sea naval base and in SAF-controlled military businesses. China has investments in Sudan, especially in the oil sector, and sees the Red Sea as a strategic link in its Belt and Road Initiative — the waterway is its main maritime trade corridor to Europe.

The conflict poses a national security risk for Sudan’s neighbors. Egypt is struggling to cope with a mass influx of people that already tops 100,000. Privately they expect a million, including many dual Sudanese-Egyptian nationals. Saudi Arabia is receiving evacuees across the Red Sea. The Gulf monarchies all have Sudanese diaspora communities who will be bringing their extended families. They, and countries such as Turkey, have major investments in Sudan’s agriculture that face collapse.

The re-ignition of conflict in Darfur will ensnare Sudan’s western neighbors. One group to watch is the Arab militia of Musa Hilal, the Janjaweed commander defeated by Hemedti when the RSF took control of Darfur’s gold mines. Others are fighters loyal to Minni Minawi’s Sudan Liberation Army and Jibreel Ibrahim’s Justice and Equality Movement, both of which have stayed neutral thus far. But as the SAF tries to close the borders, attack the gold mines, and burn Hemedti’s home base, Darfur is likely to explode, with terrible humanitarian consequences.

Libya is already entangled. Khalifa Haftar, head of the so-called Libyan National Army — and another member of the Wagner group of friends — is already supplying Hemedti with logistics. RSF fighters and others with different allegiances back home have fought on different sides in Libya: some will return to join the fray, others may fight one another in Libya. All these groups are also armed and dangerous in Chad and Central African Republic. Chadian President Mahamat Deby knows that his father, and his father’s predecessor, both took power in invasions from Darfur, and that his opponents will be assessing their chances.

There is upwards of a million South Sudanese in Sudan — refugees, labor migrants, and residents who stayed after the 2011 secession. They have few attractive options as their home country is fragile. South Sudan is in the path of the storm as trade from the north is cut, oil exports through Sudan are imperiled, and militias on both sides of the two country’s common border become emboldened. South Sudan’s president Salva Kiir has offered to mediate, but has made no progress.

Sudan’s war also intersects with Ethiopia’s. In recent weeks, the federal government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has switched horses — he has a new common front with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front against Amhara militias and Eritrea. The war zone is adjacent to Sudan, including the al-Fashaga Triangle — an area disputed between the two countries. There are 80,000 Tigrayan refugees inside Sudan in danger, and battalions of Tigrayan soldiers who had served with the UN and been given asylum there. Meanwhile, Egypt will be wondering if this might be a moment to disrupt the scheduled filling of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam during this summer’s rainy season, a step it fiercely objects to.

The only neighbor that sees potential benefits is Eritrea. The chaos is a chance for Eritrean security agents to roam freely, rounding up dissidents who will disappear into that country’s gulag and press-ganging refugees to replenish the depleted ranks of its army. And the more Eritrea’s neighbors are in turmoil, the more the Eritrean despot Isseyas Afewerki becomes the region’s military hegemon.

This regional tinderbox risks, first, that every neighbor will be involved, and, second, each will use its leverage to impede its rival’s. Any government that tries to step into the role of mediator will be seen by others as pursuing its interests, at the expense of others.

The U.S., China, and Russia share the basic agenda of stopping state collapse. But if Washington is visibly acting as the powerbroker, the other two will be tempted to play the spoiler.

On Thursday, President Biden issued an executive order authorizing sanctions against “individuals responsible for threatening the peace, security, and stability of Sudan” or who are obstructing the democratic transition or committing serious human rights abuses. This isn’t likely to frighten the Sudanese generals or their foreign backers, who are accomplished sanctions-busters. But it will rile China, Russia, and African states, who are united in their opposition to unilateral U.S. sanctions wherever they are deployed.

The U.S. appears to have given up on the UN. True, it’s weakly led, it abandoned Sudan in its hour of need, and making it work demands careful diplomatic footwork. But if a regional conflagration is to be avoided, all the potential spoilers need to be neutralized, and for that the UN is indispensable.


A woman who fled the war-torn Sudan following the outbreak of fighting between the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) arrives to register at the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) after crossing at the Joda South border point, in Renk County, Upper Nile state, South Sudan April 30, 2023. REUTERS/Jok Solomun
Analysis | Africa
US Capitol
Top image credit: Lucky-photographer via shutterstock.com

Why does peace cost a trillion dollars?

Washington Politics

As Congress returns from its summer recess, Washington’s attention is turning towards a possible government shutdown.

While much of the focus will be on a showdown between Senate Democrats and Donald Trump, a subplot is brewing as the House and Senate, led by Republicans but supported by far too many Democrats, fight over how big the Pentagon’s budget should be. The House voted to give Trump his requested trillion dollar budget, while the Senate is demanding $22 billion more.

keep readingShow less
Yemen Ahmed al-Rahawi
Top image credit: Funeral in Sana a for senior Houthi officials killed in Israeli strikes Honor guard hold up a portraits of Houthi government s the Prime Minister Ahmed al-Rahawi and other officials killed in Israeli airstrikes on Thursday, during a funeral ceremony at the Shaab Mosque in Sanaa, Yemen, 01 September 2025. IMAGO/ via REUTERS

Israel playing with fire in Yemen

Middle East

“The war has entered a new phase,” declared Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a senior official in Yemen’s Ansar Allah movement, after Israeli jets streaked across the Arabian Peninsula to kill the group’s prime minister and a swathe of his cabinet in Yemen’s capital, Sana’a.

The senior official from Ansar Allah, the movement commonly known as the Houthis, was not wrong. The strike, which Israel’s Defense Minister Israel Katz promised was “just the beginning,” signaled a fundamental shift in the cartography of a two-year war of attrition between the region’s most technologically advanced military and its most resilient guerrilla force.

The retaliation was swift, if militarily ineffective: missiles launched towards Israel disintegrated over Saudi Arabia. Internally, a paranoid crackdown ensued on perceived spies. Houthi security forces stormed the offices of the World Food Programme and UNICEF, detaining at least 11 U.N. personnel in a sweep immediately condemned by the U.N. Secretary General.

The catalyst for this confrontation was the war in Gaza, unleashed by Hamas’s October 7 attacks on Israel, which provided the Houthis with the ideological fuel and political opportunity to transform themselves. Seizing the mantle of Palestinian solidarity — a cause their leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, frames as a “sacrifice in the cause of God Almighty ” — they graduated from a menacing regional actor into a global disruptor, launching missiles toward Israel just weeks after Hamas’s attacks and holding one of the world’s most vital shipping lanes hostage.

The chessboard was dangerously rearranged in May, when the Trump administration, eager for an off-ramp from a costly and ineffective air campaign, brokered a surprise truce with the Houthis. Mediated by Oman, the deal was simple: the U.S. would stop bombing Houthi targets, and the Houthis would stop attacking American ships. President Trump, in his characteristic style, claimed the Houthis had “capitulated” while also praising their “bravery.”

keep readingShow less
TRump  and Mikheil Kavelashvili
Top photo credit: President Trump (shutterstock/Maxim Elramsisy) and Georgian president Mikheil Kavelashvili ( President of Azerbaijan)

Georgia Dream hopes Trump is ticket out of geopolitical purgatory

Europe

For economic reasons but also for self-preservation, Georgia does not want to be dragged into picking sides in its relations with larger powers. Its president’s open letter to Donald Trump may be an effort to balance growing Chinese influence.

President Mikheil Kavelashvili’s letter to Trump urges a restoration of strategic ties with Washington. It struck the tone of a forsaken friend, talking about the lack of U.S. focus, raising “doubts and questions among the Georgian people about how free and sincere your administration’s actions are in terms of strengthening peace in the region.” He even bemoans Trump’s reinstatement of relations with President Putin.

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.