Follow us on social

2021-07-05t000000z_1781789242_rc2geo98bc6d_rtrmadp_3_saudi-emirates-scaled

Arms sales to repressive regimes are more than just a human rights issue

It’s often overlooked that sending weapons to rogue nations like Saudi Arabia and the UAE undermines US security interests.

Analysis | Military Industrial Complex

Critics of U.S. arms sales policy often oppose questionable deals based on their impacts on human rights and civilian harm, and rightly so. The devastation and repression fueled by U.S. transfers to regimes like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, and the Philippines should be opposed based on the human consequences, not to mention the impact on the United States’ reputation in the world. But it is less often noted that sales to these same governments undermine U.S. national security writ large.

For example, as noted in a July 2020 Quincy Institute report on U.S. interests in the Middle East [emphasis added], “the U.S. military’s large footprint in the region, combined with voluminous U.S. arms sales and support for repressive regimes, drives instability and exacerbates grievances and conditions that threaten the United States.”  Indeed, the well over $100 billion in U.S. arms sales to Saudi Arabia and the UAE over the past decade has enabled and emboldened them to wage a devastating war in Yemen that has resulted in the deaths of over a quarter million people and put millions at risk of famine, even as it has fueled animus towards the United States and served as a recruiting tool for extremist groups. As Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) has noted, “there is a U.S. imprint on every civilian death inside Yemen.” This is no way to win friends or positively influence nations in the region.

The UAE’s regional role also undermines long-term U.S. interests. By violating a U.N. embargo on the parties to the civil war in Libya and launching drone strikes there, it has undermined efforts to settle the conflict, to the detriment of peace and stability in North Africa. But the damage to U.S. security inflicted by the UAE doesn’t stop there. As Jon Hoffman, a Ph.D candidate at George Mason University has noted, “the UAE’s rogue behavior has been detrimental to U.S. interests not only within the Middle East but at home as well.” From supporting the coup that brought the Sisi regime to power in Egypt, to backing the Assad regime in Syria, to supporting the military’s suppression of the democracy movement in the Sudan, to surveilling U.S. citizens and attempting to interfere in the U.S. political process, the UAE has consistently taken actions that threaten democracy at home and abroad and make the Middle East and North Africa more dangerous, unstable, and conflict-ridden. If these are the actions of an ally, who needs enemies? And why pour billions of dollars of weapons into supporting such a regime, a move that only enables its reckless behavior and serves as an endorsement of its conduct?

A recognition of the security consequences of runaway arms sales to repressive regimes, coupled with attention to human rights and civilian harm, could reverse the longstanding tendency to throw human rights overboard in arms sales decision making. In its year-end overview of U.S. arms sales in 2021, the State Department asserted that when it comes to arms sales “the United States follows a holistic approach, which weighs political, military, economic, nonproliferation, technology security, end use, and human rights factors to determine the appropriate provision of military equipment.” But U.S. offers of combat aircraft, armed drones, missiles, and bombs to repressive regimes like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, and the Philippines make it clear that human rights are at the bottom of the list when it comes to deciding which nations to arm. A clearer understanding of how these sales also undercut broader U.S. interests might change that calculus.

The role of arms sales to repressive regimes in harming U.S. security should be a central concern of the Biden administration’s forthcoming Conventional Arms Transfer directive. The document, which is meant to guide U.S. arms transfer decision making, needs to underscore the multiple downsides of arming autocratic and aggressive governments rather than treating human rights as a separate category with no additional consequences beyond the urgent, but too often overlooked, need to stop enabling massive harm to civilians. If the administration does so, and follows through on its pronouncements, it can help make the world a safer place, serving U.S. security interests in the process.

Abu Dhabi's Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan receives Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman at the Presidential Airport in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates November 27, 2019. WAM/Handout via REUTERS.
Analysis | Military Industrial Complex
Ukraine landmines
Top image credit: A sapper of the 24th mechanized brigade named after King Danylo installs an anti-tank landmine, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, on the outskirts of the town of Chasiv Yar in the Donetsk region, Ukraine October 30, 2024. Oleg Petrasiuk/Press Service of the 24th King Danylo Separate Mechanized Brigade of the Ukrainian Armed Forces/Handout via REUTERS

Ukrainian civilians will pay for Biden's landmine flip-flop

QiOSK

The Biden administration announced today that it will provide Ukraine with antipersonnel landmines for use inside the country, a reversal of its own efforts to revive President Obama’s ban on America’s use, production, transfer, and stockpiling of the indiscriminate weapons anywhere except the Korean peninsula.

The intent of this reversal, one U.S. official told the Washington Post, is to “contribute to a more effective defense.” The landmines — use of which is banned in 160 countries by an international treaty — are expected to be deployed primarily in the country’s eastern territories, where Ukrainian forces are struggling to defend against steady advances by the Russian military.

keep readingShow less
 Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva
Top image credit: Brazil's President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva attends task force meeting of the Global Alliance against Hunger and Poverty in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, July 24, 2024. REUTERS/Tita Barros

Brazil pulled off successful G20 summit

QiOSK

The city of Rio de Janeiro provided a stunningly beautiful backdrop to Brazil’s big moment as host of the G20 summit this week.

Despite last minute challenges, Brazil pulled off a strong joint statement (Leaders’ Declaration) that put some of President Lula’s priorities on human welfare at the heart of the grouping’s agenda, while also crafting impressively tough language on Middle East conflicts and a pragmatic paragraph on Ukraine.

keep readingShow less
Ukraine Russia
Top Photo: Ukrainian military returns home to Kiev from conflict at the border, where battles had raged between Ukraine and Russian forces. (Shuttertock/Vitaliy Holov)

Poll: Over 50% of Ukrainians want to end the war

QiOSK

A new Gallup study indicates that most Ukrainians want the war with Russia to end. After more than two years of fighting, 52% of those polled indicated that they would prefer a negotiated peace rather than continuing to fight.

Ukrainian support for the war has consistently dropped since Russia began its full-scale invasion in 2022. According to Gallup, 73% wished to continue fighting in 2022, and 63% in 2023. This is the first time a majority supported a negotiated peace.

keep readingShow less

Election 2024

Latest

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.