Follow us on social

google cta
48164813552_62ec3ffd5a_o-scaled

Why Trump should use COVID-19 to kickstart talks with North Korea

Restarting diplomacy with North Korea not only reduces the threat of war, but it can also help stop the spread of the coronavirus.

Analysis | Asia-Pacific
google cta
google cta

The diplomatic stalemate between the United States and North Korea is getting increasingly perilous. This was evidenced by North Korea’s latest ballistic missile test, the fourth test this month. As the United States continues to sanction Pyongyang, North Korea is advancing its nuclear and missile technology, which is the opposite of what the sanctions are supposed to achieve. President Trump needs a game-changer to restart diplomacy with North Korea — and the global COVID-19 pandemic could paradoxically be just the opportunity he needs.

North Korea is already vulnerable to the pandemic because of its minimal healthcare infrastructure and lack of access to basic diagnostic equipment. United Nations Secretary General António Guterres has called for rolling back international sanctions against North Korea and Iran, recognizing that economically isolated countries such as North Korea seriously undermine global efforts to contain COVID-19. North Korea is in need of America’s help, and at the same time, the United States has an interest in preventing the virus from festering in the Korean peninsula.

With creative diplomacy, Washington can use the pandemic crisis to expand this narrow common interest into a broader diplomatic opening on the nuclear front. Here’s why: 

First, more ballistic missile tests by Pyongyang means that it is improving its technical capabilities. Under Kim Jong Un, North Korea has tested more missiles and diversified testing sites, compared to his father Kim Jong Il or his grandfather Kim Il Sung. If North Korea believes that diplomacy with the United States is dead, it may feel emboldened to test more short-range ballistic missiles that can reach South Korea and Japan, or long-range ballistic missiles that can reach the continental United States. Such provocations would make it more likely for the U.S. to retaliate, whether it is through increased sanctions or even military action. The longer we wait, the more likely that a serious miscalculation could spiral into conflict, putting 78,000 American troops stationed in South Korea and Japan in grave danger.

Second, the ongoing pandemic is a case for greater inter-Korea cooperation, which could over time lead to a more stable Korean peninsula. South Korea has shown the world that it can handle COVID-19, not only lowering infection rates by “flattening the curve” but also generating enough quarantine supplies to send to other countries. South Korean Prime Minister Chung Sye-kyun has stated that if North Korea requests help in quarantine efforts, South Korea will “positively review it.”

The United States should welcome the South Korean government’s willingness to help the North. President Trump should facilitate South Korea’s assistance by calling for an exemption of certain U.N. sanctions that have prevented inter-Korea cooperation to date. While it is not yet clear which specific U.N. sanctions would need to be lifted for the flow of medical aid and medical professionals needed to accurately diagnose and contain COVID-19 inside North Korea, they could include sanctions related to transportation and scientific cooperation. Cooperation on COVID-19 could save lives and generate trust, lowering the possibility of confrontation that would involve American lives. 

Finally, the longer the United States pursues a policy of maximum insolation on North Korea, the more Pyongyang will have no choice but to rely on China, its biggest trading partner as well as the biggest source of energy and food aid. Pyongyang's over-reliance on Beijing as its economic lifeline could over time erode the possibility of a positive relationship with the United States, even though it is in Pyongyang’s strategic interest to find alternative sources of security and to blunt potential Chinese overreach. 

A more security-independent North Korea may be less hostile to the United States seeking to contribute to greater balance and stability in the Asia-Pacific. Beijing is already seeking to grow its influence on North Korea, using multilateral institutions such as the United Nations to support its positions. Most recently, Beijing and Moscow introduced a joint proposal to lift select U.N. Security Council sanctions against North Korea out of humanitarian concerns. Rather than dismiss the proposal, the United States should have seriously considered it and offered constructive ideas to strengthen it. 

The world is becoming smaller and more intertwined, as COVID-19 demands collaboration and coordination amongst countries, including among allies, competitors, and adversaries. The COVID-19 crisis provides an opportunity to jumpstart negotiations between the United States and North Korea that is not just good for nuclear diplomacy. Renewed talks will also help the international fight against the deadly virus as a whole, which ultimately serves U.S. interests. It also has the added benefits of testing North Korea’s sincerity in improving bilateral ties with the United States, as well as creating an atmosphere that would allow for more inter-Korea cooperation. All sides should seize this moment to affirm our common humanity before it’s too late. 


President Donald J. Trump, Chairman of the Workers’ Party of Korea Kim Jong Un, and Republic of South Korea President Moon Jae-in talk together Sunday, June 30, 2019, outside Freedom House at the Korean Demilitarized Zone. (Official White House Photo by Shealah Craighead)
google cta
Analysis | Asia-Pacific
G7 Summit
Top photo credit: May 21, 2023, Hiroshima, Hiroshima, Japan: (From R to L) Comoros' President Azali Assoumani, World Trade Organization (WTO) Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Australia's Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the G7 summit in Hiroshima, Japan. (Credit Image: © POOL via ZUMA Press Wire)

Middle Powers are setting the table so they won't be 'on the menu'

Asia-Pacific

The global order was already fragmenting before Donald Trump returned to the White House. But the upended “rules” of global economic and foreign policies have now reached a point of no return.

What has changed is not direction, but speed. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s remarks in Davos last month — “Middle powers must act together, because if we’re not at the table, we’re on the menu” — captured the consequences of not acting quickly. And Carney is not alone in those fears.

keep readingShow less
Vice President JD Vance Azerbaijan Armenia
U.S. Vice President JD Vance gets out of a car before boarding Air Force Two upon departure for Azerbaijan, at Zvartnots International Airport in Yerevan, Armenia, February 10, 2026. REUTERS/Kevin Lamarque/Pool

VP Vance’s timely TRIPP to the South Caucasus

Washington Politics

Vice President JD Vance’s regional tour to Armenia and Azerbaijan this week — the highest level visit by an American official to the South Caucasus since Vice President Joe Biden went to Georgia in 2009 — demonstrates that Washington is not ignoring Yerevan and Baku and is taking an active role in their normalization process.

Vance’s stop in Armenia included an announcement that Yerevan has procured $11 million in U.S. defense systems — a first — in particular Shield AI’s V-BAT, an ISR unmanned aircraft system. It was also announced that the second stage of a groundbreaking AI supercomputer project led by Firebird, a U.S.-based AI cloud and infrastructure company, would commence after having secured American licensing for the sale and delivery of an additional 41,000 NVIDIA GB300 graphics processing units.

keep readingShow less
United Nations
Monitors at the United Nations General Assembly hall display the results of a vote on a resolution condemning the annexation of parts of Ukraine by Russia, amid Russia's invasion of Ukraine, at the United Nations Headquarters in New York City, New York, U.S., October 12, 2022. REUTERS/David 'Dee' Delgado||

We're burying the rules based order. But what's next?

Global Crises

In a Davos speech widely praised for its intellectual rigor and willingness to confront established truths, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney finally laid the fiction of the “rules-based international order” to rest.

The “rules-based order” — or RBIO — was never a neutral description of the post-World War II system of international law and multilateral institutions. Rather, it was a discourse born out of insecurity over the West’s decline and unwillingness to share power. Aimed at preserving the power structures of the past by shaping the norms and standards of the future, the RBIO was invariably something that needed to be “defended” against those who were accused of opposing it, rather than an inclusive system that governed relations between all states.

keep readingShow less
google cta
Want more of our stories on Google?
Click here to make us a Preferred Source.

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.