Follow us on social

2020-02-23t104036z_829837423_rc2a6f94lbrh_rtrmadp_3_china-health-north-korea-scaled

The case for U.S.-North Korea diplomacy to combat the coronavirus

U.S. and international sanctions have crushed North Korea's health care system, making it harder to deal with the coronavirus.

Analysis | Asia-Pacific

The coronavirus, or COVID-19, has become a massive threat to the United States. The Dow Jones Industrial Average plunged for the second consecutive day on Tuesday, as the news about American susceptibility to the coronavirus made national headlines. This may be the beginning of an economic downturn, rather than a blip, given the size of the economies that are grappling with the virus, such as China, Japan, South Korea, and Italy. And now the virus has reached American troops. A 23-year-old American soldier stationed in South Korea recently tested positive for COVID-19 — the first U.S. service member to contract the virus.

Indeed, the coronavirus constitutes both a security and economic threat to the United States. It lies in the interest of the United States to eliminate the virus, even in countries with which it has hostile relations. North Korea is a case in point.

Some American policymakers view North Korea as a distant problem. But infectious diseases know no borders, as the current situation shows. North Korea’s close proximity to China, the decrepit state of its healthcare sector, and the high rate of malnutrition among its people all make North Korea extraordinarily susceptible to the coronavirus. Its impact could also spill over into East Asia, including to South Korea where 28,500 U.S. service members are stationed. 

Unfortunately, the international community has no idea if the coronavirus is spreading inside North Korea. As of yesterday, there were 80,994 confirmed cases and 2,760 deaths from the COVID-19 outbreak, according to the Coronavirus COVID-19 Global Cases by Johns Hopkins CSSE, mostly concentrated in East Asia, Italy, and Iran. There are currently no known cases of COVID-19 from North Korea, which shares 900 miles of border with China, home of the largest confirmed cases of coronavirus in the world. The fact that we know nothing about the level of infection or deaths within North Korea is extremely problematic and, left unchanged, could have serious public health implications. According to Choi Jung-hoon, a North Korean neurologist who defected to South Korea in 2012, "Past epidemics that originated in China have always spread to North Korea, and vice versa." During previous outbreaks, such as SARS, he says, cases in North Korea often went unreported. 

Responding to this threat to the U.S. national security is complicated by Washington’s sanctions-centric North Korea policy and its inability to look beyond the nuclear issue. For example, at yesterday’s Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asia, the Pacific, and International Cybersecurity Policy hearing on North Korea, only about five minutes were devoted to COVID-19. Of the three representatives who testified, two were from the same think tank (Center for Strategic and International Studies), and two had formerly worked at the Central Intelligence Agency. There was hardly any debate on the impact of international sanctions on North Korea’s healthcare infrastructure or its ability to address pandemics. What’s more, the current U.S. policy has contributed to the weak healthcare system in North Korea. As Ambassador Bob King stated at the hearing, the global sanctions regime against North Korea have made it difficult to deliver life-saving aid to the North Korean people, whether they are test kits, masks, or sending trained personnel to conduct tests in-country for maximum accuracy. 

Dr. Kee Park, a lecturer on Global Health and Social Medicine at Harvard Medical School with firsthand knowledge of the North Korean health system described to me, “When faced with an international public health emergency, the idea that permission should be obtained by highly-regarded international organizations such as the World Health Organization and UNICEF prior to delivering urgent protective and diagnostic supplies is unethical and morally objectionable.” U.S.-led economic sanctions against North Korea have contributed to a weakened healthcare system inside the country, which now threatens U.S. troops and U.S. national security interests in the Asia-Pacific region.

The United States and North Korea must look beyond the nuclear issue and recognize that there’s a common threat. Diplomacy is essential for addressing this and other transnational threats that require coordination, communication, and problem-solving. Both countries must address the coronavirus without delay. Specifically, Pyongyang should be more open and transparent about the impact of the coronavirus on its people and be willing to accept aid. Washington needs to be more creative and ensure that sanctions and North Korea's isolation does not prevent it from receiving medical aid or hamper its ability to respond to that pandemic. After this ordeal has ended, a public debate on the impact of U.S. and U.N. sanctions on the North Korean healthcare system is in order, as the status quo clearly is not serving U.S. national security interests.  


A trolley bus is disinfected amid fears over the spread of the novel coronavirus in Pyongyang, North Korea, in this photo taken on February 22, 2020 and released by Kyodo February 23, 2020. Picture taken February 22, 2020. Mandatory credit Kyodo/via REUTERS ATTENTION EDITORS - THIS IMAGE WAS PROVIDED BY A THIRD PARTY. MANDATORY CREDIT. JAPAN OUT. NO COMMERCIAL OR EDITORIAL SALES IN JAPAN.
Analysis | Asia-Pacific
Iran
Top image credit: An Iranian man (not pictured) carries a portrait of the former commander of the IRGC Aerospace Forces, Brigadier General Amir Ali Hajizadeh, and participates in a funeral for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commanders, Iranian nuclear scientists, and civilians who are killed in Israeli attacks, in Tehran, Iran, on June 28, 2025, during the Iran-Israel ceasefire. (Photo by Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto VIA REUTERS)

First it was regime change, now they want to break Iran apart

Middle East

Washington’s foreign policy establishment has a dangerous tendency to dismantle nations it deems adversarial. Now, neoconservative think tanks like the Washington-based Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) and their fellow travelers in the European Parliament are openly promoting the balkanization of Iran — a reckless strategy that would further destabilize the Middle East, trigger catastrophic humanitarian crises, and provoke fierce resistance from both Iranians and U.S. partners.

As Israel and Iran exchanged blows in mid-June, FDD’s Brenda Shaffer argued that Iran’s multi-ethnic makeup was a vulnerability to be exploited. Shaffer has been a vocal advocate for Azerbaijan in mainstream U.S. media, even as she has consistently failed to disclose her ties to Azerbaijan’s state oil company, SOCAR. For years, she has pushed for Iran’s fragmentation along ethnic lines, akin to the former Yugoslavia’s collapse. She has focused much of that effort on promoting the secession of Iranian Azerbaijan, where Azeris form Iran’s largest non-Persian group.

keep readingShow less
Ratcliffe Gabbard
Top image credit: Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard and CIA director John Ratcliffe join a meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump and his intelligence team in the Situation Room at the White House in Washington, D.C., U.S. June 21, 2025. The White House/Handout via REUTERS

Trump's use and misuse of Iran intel

Middle East

President Donald Trump has twice, within the space of a week, been at odds with U.S. intelligence agencies on issues involving Iran’s nuclear program. In each instance, Trump was pushing his preferred narrative, but the substantive differences in the two cases were in opposite directions.

Before the United States joined Israel’s attack on Iran, Trump dismissed earlier testimony by Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, in which she presented the intelligence community’s judgment that “Iran is not building a nuclear weapon and Supreme Leader Khamanei has not authorized the nuclear weapons program he suspended in 2003.” Questioned about this testimony, Trump said, “she’s wrong.”

keep readingShow less
Mohammad Bin Salman Trump Ayatollah Khomenei
Top photo credit: Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman (President of the Russian Federation/Wikimedia Commons); U.S. President Donald Trump (Gage Skidmore/Flickr) and Iran’s Ayatollah Khamenei (Wikimedia Commons)

Let's make a deal: Enrichment path that both Iran, US can agree on

Middle East

The recent conflict, a direct confrontation that pitted Iran against Israel and drew in U.S. B-2 bombers, has likely rendered the previous diplomatic playbook for Tehran's nuclear program obsolete.

The zero-sum debates concerning uranium enrichment that once defined that framework now represent an increasingly unworkable approach.

Although a regional nuclear consortium had been previously advanced as a theoretical alternative, the collapse of talks as a result of military action against Iran now positions it as the most compelling path forward for all parties.

Before the war, Iran was already suggesting a joint uranium enrichment facility with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on Iranian soil. For Iran, this framework could achieve its primary goal: the preservation of a domestic nuclear program and, crucially, its demand to maintain some enrichment on its own territory. The added benefit is that it embeds Iran within a regional security architecture that provides a buffer against unilateral attack.

For Gulf actors, it offers unprecedented transparency and a degree of control over their rival-turned-friend’s nuclear activities, a far better outcome than a possible covert Iranian breakout. For a Trump administration focused on deals, it offers a tangible, multilateral framework that can be sold as a blueprint for regional stability.

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.