Key Global South middle powers India, Indonesia, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Thailand, and the United Arab Emirates declined to sign the joint communique at a summit in Switzerland on resolving the Ukraine war. (Another key middle power Brazil had decided to attend only as an observer.)
These Global South middle powers did not endorse the communique despite the text’s recitation of the importance of “sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity” and food security, both of which are key points of concern and consensus across developing countries in Latin America, Africa, and Asia.
Some of these states have previously voted for U.S.-backed resolutions in the U.N. General Assembly that criticized the violations of territorial integrity by Russia and also cited food security.
These middle powers are skeptical that a summit that excluded Russia, the biggest combatant in the conflict, could achieve a peace deal to end the war. The Indian representative at the summit explained his country’s stance by stating that “only those options acceptable to both parties can lead to abiding peace.” Many of these powers, including India, Brazil, and Saudi Arabia, also have strong economic and/or security relations with Russia, which they will not easily put at risk.
U.S. and Western actions in the Middle East and elsewhere have done serious harm to the task of holding Moscow to account in what was clearly an illegal invasion of Ukraine. Many in the Global South are keenly aware of the double standards at work, and do not wish to be used instrumentally to settle Western scores with Russia.
The gap between the United States and key Global South states will likely persist unless Washington and its allies make a major course correction on two fronts. The first is to address serious deficits and violations in their vaunted “rules-based order” that will make American messaging more credible. The contrasts between the U.S. approach to transgressions of international law in Ukraine and Gaza are too glaring to wish away.
The second is to better take into account the Global South’s interests. While Washington has moved to an extent in this direction through its infrastructure and other initiatives, there is still much ground to cover to get to a more productive, non-zero sum policy toward the Global South.
Sarang Shidore is Director of the Global South Program at the Quincy Institute, and member of the adjunct faculty at George Washington University. He has published in Foreign Affairs and The New York times, among others. Sarang was previously a senior research scholar at the University of Texas at Austin and senior global analyst at the geopolitical risk firm Stratfor Inc.
Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy (C) attends a joint press conference during the Peace Summit in Bürgenstock, Switzerland on June 16, 2024.( The Yomiuri Shimbun via REUTERS )
Reports this week, based on satellite footage and witness testimony from IDF soldiers, reveal that Israel has carved out a nearly one-mile deep "buffer zone" inside Gaza along the border with Israel. Almost all economic and residential infrastructure within this region has been demolished and Gazans living and working in the area have been forcibly relocated.
Israel’s ongoing conquest of the Gaza Strip, the expulsion of Palestinians residing there, and the re-establishment of Israeli settlements are the principal parameters defining the new map created by the blood and fire of the Second Palestine War.
Israeli policies for the future of Gaza and its 1.8 million inhabitants based upon this foundation have been most enthusiastically embraced by Israel’s resurgent rightwing.
Whatever their differences, Israeli and Palestinian leaders recognize that sooner or later, for better or worse, the fate of hostages and prisoners will be decided.
As important as the resolution of this issue is, the broader contest between Israel and Palestine is of even greater and lasting magnitude. Not only the fate of individuals, the destiny of peoples and nations are in the balance. Without a sober appreciation of this fact, the current dispute over hostages loses its defining context.
The magnified attention awarded to this issue is also reflected in plaintive demands for Israel to define its plans for the so-called “day after.” These calls are easily parried by an Israeli government less concerned about addressing legitimate questions about its intentions than in forging a path to victory. The Netanyahu government has found a fast friend for this approach in the new administration in Washington.
While the dogs bark, Israel continues to pursue the destruction of Hamas as a political and military/security factor, an objective that has, from the war’s outset, defined victory in the campaign that Israel is waging.
Underlying this broad military-security objective, however, are even greater, indeed existential if not always articulate imperatives, born of a century of competition between Palestinians and the Zionist movement for the national identity of Palestine.
Revenge is the first and foremost strategic policy objective, defining Israel’s conduct of the war and indeed its very purpose. For the Hamas movement itself, one need look no further than an abiding, incessant desire for retribution, all but divorced from sober political calculation, to explain its actions.
For Israelis dumbfounded by the assault of October 7, vengeance provides the vital political foundation upon which popular support for the war is being waged.
Hamas’ brutal assault forces Israelis to acknowledge that Palestinians remain unwilling to be reconciled to the results of the First Palestine war. Gaza, chock a block with families enduring generations of national trauma, has always been the most active source of its national movement.
The Israeli public, in turn, supports a policy of reprisals against the Gaza for the latter’s stunning success in calling into question the holy of holies in the Zionist pantheon – that Jewish settlement, protected by the IDF, establishes the basis for personal security and protection of Israeli state-building.
The ferocity of Israel’s campaign aims not only at burning defeat into Palestine’s national and political consciousness, but also convincing Israelis as well that its founding principles remain sacrosanct and credible instruments of national policy.
Since the early 1950s, a Palestinian “Return” to homes lost in Israel has been unachievable — all but unthinkable. Indeed, the iron law underpinning Israel’s conduct of the First Palestine War — that Palestinians must pay with territory and sovereign control for any effort to challenge Israel, also defines a key Israeli strategic objective in the war now being waged in Gaza.
Israel’s conduct of the Gaza war and its humanitarian aftermath make clear its abiding intention to make certain that Palestinians will not even be permitted to dream of “Return.” Indeed, when Palestinians in Gaza (or Jenin) dream of going “home” today, it is not to Ashqelon or Ramla, but rather to all but obliterated refugee camps in Jabaliya and Beit Hanoun.
Expulsion
If Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump have their way even this forlorn aspiration will be denied them.
Minister of Security Israel Katz official pointedly explained in February that Israel’s approved entry of “a very limited quantity” of mobile shelters and heavy equipment into Gaza “does not affect the feasibility of implementing Trump’s voluntary migration plan or creating a new reality in Gaza, which Prime Minister Netanyahu is fully committed to.”
Moreover, Katz said the IDF will move to clear areas “of terrorists and infrastructure, and capture extensive territory that will be added to the State of Israel’s security areas.”
These “security areas” now comprise about a third of Gaza’s territory and a large percentage of Gaza’s agricultural and employment capacity.
The Trump administration’s extraordinary endorsement of large-scale Palestinian transfer and its ongoing effort to win Arab support for it, has raised the profile of an option long considered taboo outside of a right-wing Israeli minority.
In an April 2 address, Netanyahu reflected the change in policy that the White House endorsement has produced. Israel’s policy, he declared, would be defined by four elements — Hamas’ complete demilitarization and the expulsion of its leadership, complete Israeli security control over Gaza in its entirety, and the realization of Washington’s plan for large-scale transfer of Palestinians out of the Gaza Strip.
Settlement
The dramatic developments produced by the war have empowered Israeli proponents of Jewish settlement in the Gaza Strip. The IDF, by establishing sovereign security control over Gaza, including its most productive agricultural areas along the perimeter with Israel, is creating the security infrastructure for a “return” ...of Israeli civilian settlement.
As bizarre as this option seems, the purpose and utility of Jewish settlement in Gaza fit neatly into Israel’s national experience. Palestinian attacks upon Israel have always been met with demands for a “Zionist response” — Jewish settlement — whether in Hebron or the hills of Samaria. And now Gaza.
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s evacuation of all Israeli settlements and their population of 7,000 in 2005 appeared to have ended the prospect of settling the Gaza Strip. An aging Sharon was pursuing the creation of a new security paradigm. But the re-entry of the IDF into Gaza 18 months ago destroyed this model. It has instead energized the intense lobby behind the re-establishment of civilian settlements in Gaza in order to realize both nationalist and security objectives.
Proponents remain a vocal and influential minority, but even their opponents acknowledge the extraordinary success of the settlement movement in the West Bank in the decades since the conquests of June 1967.
Israel’s conquest of Gaza has broken many taboos, but then again so too did the Hamas assault on October 7. Whether Israel stands guilty of the charge of genocide, it is certainly the case that it is pursuing a policy of “politicide” — aimed at destroying for all time any Palestinian hope for sovereignty west of the Jordan River.
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Top photo credit: Donald Trump (Anna Moneymaker/Shutterstock) Volodymyr Zelensky (miss.cabul/Shutterstock) and Vladimir Putin (paparazzza/Shuttterstock)
Ukraine’s best hope for peace looks a lot like Donald Trump
On the question of an early temporary ceasefire in Ukraine, the Trump administration might be described as being wrong for the right reasons, and the Putin administration as right for the wrong reasons.
The hideous cost of the war was emphasized last week when a Russian missile struck a playground in Krivyi Rih in Ukraine, killing 20, including nine children. This should be a spur to all sides to move as fast as possible towards a peace settlement.
However, the goal should be a full peace settlement, not a temporary ceasefire that would risk entrenching a very dangerous and damaging situation for the U.S., Europe, and Ukraine. A ceasefire that lasted only a month would be pointless. The goal should be to make the ceasefire permanent while talks continue. This however would risk replicating the Donbas ceasefire of 2015-22, that solved none of the underlying issues, was repeatedly broken by clashes and provocations on both sides, and eventually led to full-scale Russian invasion.
Such a ceasefire would encourage hardliners on both sides to reject a peace settlement in the hope of successfully renewing the war later. Russian hardliners would hope that the breathing space would allow the Russian army to be decisively strengthened for a new offensive. Ukrainian hardliners would hope that a Democratic victory in the U.S. 2028 presidential elections would renew unconditional U.S. aid for Ukrainian victory. If it saw good reasons to fear this, the Russian government would surely be tempted to launch a preemptive strike.
Absent a peace settlement, and in circumstances of repeated exchanges of fire, it is highly unlikely that neutral countries could be persuaded to send peacekeeping forces. That would make the outbreak of a new war even more likely. It is also possible that in circumstances of an unstable ceasefire and continuing clashes, the Zelensky administration might be encouraged to continue martial law and go on delaying presidential elections. This would reduce its international legitimacy and risk growing political instability in Ukraine.
With Ukraine no longer under military pressure, the EU and some European governments would continue to press for a European “reassurance force” in Ukraine — something that is absolutely unacceptable for Russia and which would make a peace settlement impossible.
On the other hand, a ceasefire without a settlement could endanger European support for Ukraine, because with Ukraine seemingly no longer under imminent threat, other leaders and populations would be tempted to reduce or end their military aid to Ukraine. President Trump would undoubtedly also be tempted to do this.
Perhaps most importantly, absent a peace settlement it will be far more difficult for Ukraine to begin economic reconstruction and institute the economic, judicial and administrative reforms necessary if the country is to have any chance of progressing towards membership of the European Union.
The war has led to severe restrictions on media independence, freedom of speech, and political pluralism in Ukraine. Several formerly leading political parties and media outlets remain banned, and critics of the Zelensky government have been hounded into exile. Strengthening liberal democracy in Ukraine will be impossible if the country remains on a war footing. In Russia, a continued state of semi-frozen conflict will also give cover to the Putin administration’s intensified authoritarianism.
Ukrainian economic reform will be equally impossible if the economy is mobilized for war; and of course private investors will be far less likely to put their money into Ukraine if they think that there is a likelihood of the war resuming. The $300 billion in Russian assets seized by the EU would either be left in limbo, or used unilaterally by the EU to pay for Ukrainian reconstruction — thereby removing a major incentive for Russia to agree to a compromise peace.
A long-term semi-frozen conflict in Ukraine will also be extremely bad for the economies of the EU; and we have seen in Romania and elsewhere how allegations of Russian influence have been used to justify extremely undemocratic measures by ruling elites.
But if the Russian government is right in saying that a ceasefire must be preceded by real progress in addressing the “root causes” of the war, that does not of course mean that the demands or proposals being made by the Russian government are correct. Three in particular are completely unacceptable, at least in the form originally stated.
Last June, Putin demanded that as a condition of a ceasefire, Ukraine withdraw from the territory it still holds in the five provinces that Russia claims to have annexed (including the capitals of two of these provinces); and that Ukraine reduce its armed forces to a level where they could not hope to defend the country. Putin has not repeated these demands in his recent statements. On the other hand, he has suggested that Ukraine be placed temporarily under an external, U.N.-supervised government that would be charged with negotiating a peace settlement.
Any viable peace settlement must be based on the principles that the ceasefire line should run where the eventual battle line runs (possibly with limited and equal land swaps); that any limitations on the Ukrainian armed forces and Western arms supplies to Ukraine must apply only to certain limited categories of weapons (for example long-range missiles); and that the choice of a Ukrainian government must be entirely for the Ukrainian people themselves.
There are essentially two ways (either independently or combined) to get Russia to accept these principles and compromise on its maximalist demands. The first is for the Ukrainians with Western help to fight the Russian army to a standstill or near-standstill on the ground. This is indeed possible. The Russian army has advanced in recent months, but at a grindingly slow rate.
If Russian troops fail to make much greater progress this year, Moscow will presumably be much more inclined to compromise. This is however a very risky strategy for Ukraine and its Western backers. Given the huge imbalance in resources between Ukraine and Russia (especially in manpower) and the reported exhaustion of Ukrainian units, the possibility of a Ukrainian collapse cannot be excluded.
The other fruitful path towards peace would be for the Trump administration in talks with Moscow temporarily to set the issue of Ukraine to one side, and concentrate instead on drafting a comprehensive set of formal bilateral agreements with Moscow, in return for Moscow abandoning its maximalist demands on Ukraine and reducing its ties to Iran and North Korea.
The basis for the first of these agreements is already in place, with the Trump administration’s statements excluding NATO membership for Ukraine. This could be extended to a U.S. guarantee of no further NATO enlargement beyond the alliance’s existing borders (though also guaranteeing that EU enlargement to the countries concerned would be open, and no U.S. backing for any troops from NATO countries in Ukraine).
In line with the Trump administration’s desire to reduce U.S. military commitments in Europe, Washington could guarantee the withdrawal of U.S. troops from countries on Russia’s borders, in return for certain reciprocal withdrawals by Russia. A new intermediate missile agreement could guarantee that the U.S. would not carry through on its plan to deploy such missiles in Germany, in return for Russia withdrawing its missiles from Kaliningrad and Belarus.
Both sides could agree jointly to propose a permanent consultative mechanism on European security, possibly involving the five members of the U.N. Security Council plus Germany and any neutral states willing to contribute significant peacekeeping forces to Ukraine. This would aim to ward off in good time the sort of unintended crises that led to the revolution and civil war in Ukraine in 2014, and the war in Georgia in 2008.
Such draft agreements between the U.S. and Russia, leading in turn to a draft peace treaty for Ukraine, could be achieved without the direct involvement of the EU and Ukraine. Of course, the agreement of both would be necessary for the peace settlement to become final and formal. The Ukrainian government by definition would have to agree to the terms of a ceasefire, and any guarantees for minority rights in Ukraine. The EU would have to agree to suspend its sanctions against Russia, and on the fate of Russian assets.
If however the U.S. and Russia had already reached a viable agreement between themselves, it would be very hard — and very foolish — for Brussels and Kyiv to reject it, unless they were willing to risk the Trump administration abandoning Ukraine altogether.
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Top photo credit: People walk past a mural depicting South America's independence hero Simon Bolivar in Caracas December 1, 2011 days before the first ever meeting of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) REUTERS/Gil Montano (VENEZUELA - Tags: POLITICS SOCIETY)
Amid greatly increased attention to the Americas in Washington, the largest hemispheric organization that excludes the United States and Canada, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), will convene Wednesday in the capital of Honduras, with Colombian President Gustavo Petro assuming the group’s leadership in what is likely to be a challenging time.
The summit will bring together at least a dozen of the region’s leaders, including the presidents of Latin America’s most populous nations — Mexico’s Claudia Sheinbaum and Brazil’s Lula da Silva.
Founded in Venezuela in 2011, CELAC was intended to serve as a counterweight to the Washington-based Organization of American States (OAS) and as a vehicle to strengthen ties with the European Union, China, and Africa, even as it has struggled to build consensus among its members on key issues and advance new initiatives.
This year’s agenda is likely to be dominated by members’ concerns about Donald Trump, who underlined the hemispheric power imbalances on his first day as president when he predicted that relations with Washington’s southern neighbors “should be great. They need us much more than we need them. We don’t need them.”
Discussions will focus in major part on how to coordinate responses and insulate their nations from the negative effects of Trump’s next moves on everything from the fight against organized crime to migration, tariffs and trade, and energy security.
Heading into his last year in office in Bogota, Colombia’s Petro seeks to shore up his own mixed legacy by flexing his country’s centrality in regional diplomacy. In addition to CELAC, he is taking the reins of four other institutions designed to further regional integration in 2025 alone — the Pacific Alliance, Andean Community, Association of Caribbean States, and Brasilia Consensus.
But will his efforts be enough to achieve long-sought but elusive Latin American and Caribbean unity amid the tempest emanating from their common superpower neighbor to the north?
Despite a greater need than ever to tackle common challenges gripping the region, critics warn CELAC’s piecemeal financing, non-binding decisions, and persistent divisions could hobble Petro’s intentions.
Since Petro challenged Trump’s deportations of Colombians in late January — to which the U.S. president responded with threats of widespread visa bans, sanctions, and tariffs on Colombian exports — his envoys have largely smoothed things over with their counterparts in Washington.
Yet another spat following last week’s visit of Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem to Bogotá over conflicting positions on drugs, security, and relations with Venezuela has ruffled feathers in some Trump circles, potentially accelerating Petro’s plans to diversify Colombia’s foreign relations beyond its historically close ties to the U.S.
Wednesday’s summit comes as the region fared relatively well in Trump’s announcement last week to levy reciprocal tariffs on U.S. trade partners worldwide, with most countries in the hemisphere facing just 10% duties and exemptions for certain strategic minerals.
Yet experts warn a potential economic recession and the reconfiguration of global trade dynamics due to Trump’s aggressive use of tariffs could nonetheless devastate Latin American economies. The 38% primary and 25% secondary tariffs against oil-exporting Guyana and Venezuela, respectively, could likewise have far-reaching impacts on regional energy security.
Even while some smaller, U.S.-aligned countries, such as Costa Rica, Guatemala and the Dominican Republic, may hope to capitalize on potential nearshoring opportunities stemming from their comparatively lower tariffs levied against their exports, larger South American economies like Colombia and Brazil may pivot even further to China as a response.
Today’s gathering in Tegulcipalpa also comes just four days before Ecuador’s highly anticipated presidential runoff, pitting conservative incumbent Daniel Noboa, who will not attend the summit, against progressive contender Luisa González, who is slightly ahead the polls and who already met with many of the summit’s attendees during last month’s inauguration of Uruguay’s center-left president, Yamandú Orsi.
The summit could also influence the run-up to December’s Summit of the Americas in the Dominican Republic, which takes place every three years and is organized in close coordination with the U.S. State Department and the OAS.
At the 2022 Summit of the Americas in Los Angeles, U.S. President Joe Biden took heat from the region’s governments by deciding to exclude the leaders of Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua. The presidents of Mexico, Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala — key players in managing regional migration to the U.S. — boycotted the Summit in protest.
A firm response to the Trump administration’s mass deportation campaign, including the transfer allegedly gang-affiliated Venezuelan migrants to El Salvador’s notorious CECOT mega-prison, is likely to figure prominently in the summit proceedings, even if it doesn’t end up in the final declaration.
While most countries have learned from Trump’s spat with Petro, in which the latter swiftly backed down in the face of Trump’s threats, to cooperate with Washington’s deportation plans, some, such as Mexico and Brazil, have demanded humane treatment of their returned migrants, while others, including U.S. allies like Ecuador and Belize, have so far rejected U.S. requests to receive third-country nationals.
CELAC’s future, however, remains uncertain as its Washington-based rival, the OAS, will install a more conciliatory secretary-general, Surinamese foreign minister Albert Ramdin, than the incumbent, Uruguay’s Luis Almagro, next month. Ramdin is thought to favor a softer line against Venezuela and Cuba than the incumbent, Uruguay’s Luis Almagro, who generally deferred to the United States’ position toward those countries.
While Trump officials reject these claims about Ramdin, they have also left open the possibility of defunding, restructuring, or exiting the OAS if U.S. interests are, in their view, not sufficiently respected. A U.S. break with the nearly 80-year-old hemispheric body could provide CELAC with a major opportunity to grow in relevance.
Yet ideological differences have produced notable tensions at recent CELAC summits, as in 2021 in Mexico City, when Uruguayan President Luis Lacalle Pou clashed with Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel over the island’s human rights record, or in 2023 in Buenos Aires, when Argentina’s opposition prevented Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro from attending.
Internal tensions were on full display in late January when an emergency CELAC meeting called by the group’s outgoing leader, Honduran President Xiomara Castro, in response to Trump’s retaliatory threats against Petro was abruptly called off, as many regional leaders sought to avoid escalation or confrontation with the U.S. president just a week into his term.
While Latin American and Caribbean leaders of all political stripes have generally attended past summits, conservative leaders who are actively courting the Trump administration for trade deals, as in the case of Argentina, or military and security assistance, in the case of Ecuador and Paraguay, are sending lower-level officials.
As a result, proposals to boost food security, address the root causes of migration, stimulate intraregional trade, and expedite the clean-energy transition could face uphill battles, hindered by internal disputes and annual changes in the group’s leadership.
Nonetheless, the conferees are likely to call for the lifting of unilateral sanctions on Cuba and pursuing dialogue with Venezuela in contrast to the Trump administration’s efforts to ratchet up pressure on both countries. Many diplomats in the region privately maintain that Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s crusade against Havana and Caracas is alienating some in the region who would prefer to tackle more critical issues, including those to be discussed at the CELAC summit.
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