U.S. INDOPACOM commander Admiral Samuel Paparo’s comments on U.S. escorts of Philippine vessels on resupply missions being “entirely reasonable” has taken the jostling in the South China Sea up a notch.
Such missions to a Philippine military position on a beached ship on the Second Thomas Shoal, which China also claims, have drawn coercive responses from Beijing. An egregious example was the serious clash on June 17, during which Chinese coast guard personnel brandished weapons and forcibly boarded Philippine craft.
The latest incidents are however expanding to new sites — most prominently Sabina Shoal, located even closer to Philippines’ shoreline than the Second Thomas Shoal. These have involved blocking and multiple cases of ramming.
Provocative as Chinese behavior is, it is questionable if deeper involvement of the U.S. Navy is the answer. Direct insertion of U.S. troops between the sparring parties would up the ante and dare China to confront the U.S. directly. It would transform the current lower-level incidents into potentially a direct clash between two great powers. The risk-to-reward ratio from the standpoint of U.S. vital interests, not to mention regional stability, does not seem to merit such a step, especially when the jostling is over mere specks in the ocean. This is especially true as some of Washington’s policies are themselves contributing to the escalation. Besides, Manila too has demurred on any such escorts (but has indicated that they are not ruled out in the future.)
Admiral Paparo also mentioned the escorts “in the context of consultations,” a reference to Articles III and V of the 1951 U.S.-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT), which calls for such consultations and indicates invocation in case of “armed attack” on one of the parties. Manila itself has stated, in comments soon after the June 17 clash, that Chinese provocations do not rise to the level of “armed attack” thus far. President Marcos meanwhile drew a red line for the MDT’s invocation as the death of even a single Filipino during his remarks at this year’s Shangri La Dialogue in Singapore. Fortunately, we are not there yet.
Whichever way one slices the developments in the South China Sea, it is clear they are incrementally heading toward a military crisis. Avoiding such a crisis by finding a de-escalatory ladder should be the first priority of all three states involved.
Sarang Shidore is Director of the Global South Program at the Quincy Institute, and member of the adjunct faculty at George Washington University. He has published in Foreign Affairs and The New York times, among others. Sarang was previously a senior research scholar at the University of Texas at Austin and senior global analyst at the geopolitical risk firm Stratfor Inc.
A Philippine flag flutters from BRP Sierra Madre, a dilapidated Philippine Navy ship that has been aground since 1999 and became a Philippine military detachment on the disputed Second Thomas Shoal, part of the Spratly Islands, in the South China Sea March 29, 2014. REUTERS/Erik De Castro
After a more than two-month pause, Russia has begun striking deep into Ukraine once again, sending a reported 96 missiles and drones toward civilian infrastructure in the capital this week.
Following the U.S. presidential election, Vladimir Putin has stepped up Russia’s military campaigns. In addition to resuming strikes on Kyiv, Moscow has increased its drone strikes across Ukraine by 44%. Ivan Stupak, a former Ukrainian security officer, says, “In the next few months up to Jan. 20, we are expecting a significantly increasing number of launches towards Ukraine.”
“Launches” from Russia have indeed been steadily increasing. According to Stupak, there were 818 launches in August, 1,410 in September, and 2,072 in October. Ground attacks have intensified as well, especially in the border area of Kursk, which saw a partial Ukrainian occupation in August of this year.
Russia reportedly built up around 50,000 troops in Kursk to participate in a counter-offensive, with around 10,000 North Korean troops present to assist their Russian allies. Following this build-up, the fighting in Kursk this week has yielded high casualties for Russia. In addition to the 2,000 Russians killed or injured on Tuesday alone, Moscow has also lost at least 88 armored vehicles on the roads to Kursk, as counted by a Ukrainian drone operator.
Other Ukraine War News This Week:
American military contractors will be deployed to Ukraine for the first time since the conflict started. CNN reports that the Biden administration has lifted its ban on the practice, allowing the Department of Defense to contract with private citizens to perform maintenance on vehicles in Ukraine. According to a DOD official, “these contractors will be located far from the front lines and they will not be fighting Russian forces. They will help Ukrainian Armed Forces rapidly repair and maintain US-provided equipment as needed so it can be quickly returned to the front lines.”
On Wednesday, Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte in Brussels. Al Jazeera reports that Blinken pledged to increase support for Ukraine before the end of Biden’s administration, saying, “President Biden fully intends to drive through the tape and use every day to continue to do what we have done these last four years, which is strengthen this alliance.” Blinken also indicated that the United States would send a “firm response” to the use of North Korean troops in Russia’s Kursk campaign.
Ukrainian officials are beginning to value security guarantees at least as much as territorial integrity in a future peace deal. According to the New York Times, future talks would not focus as much on geographic boundaries, but on assurances around a cease-fire. A Ukrainian official speaking anonymously said, “the territorial question is extremely important, but it’s still the second question, the first question is security guarantees.” The Times report says that this comes as President-elect Trump has shown an eagerness to bring a swift end to the conflict.
Deputy spokesperson Vedant Patel confirmed that the 10,000 North Korean soldiers were sent to Kursk to assist Moscow in its attempt to take the territory back from Ukrainian forces. Patel said that “Russia’s battlefield success using these DPRK troops will in large part be dictated by how well the Russians can integrate them into their military.”
When asked about the recently formalized military treaty, and the potential of joint Russian-North Korean training drills, the spokesperson said, “the United States is consulting closely with our allies and partners and other countries in the region on the implications of this, on these developments.”
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Top image credit: Hezbollah supporters carry the coffin of a victim who was killed in electronic pagers explosion, during a funeral procession in Beirut southern suburb. Marwan Naamani/dpa via Reuters Connect
As the Israeli assault on Gaza passes the 13-month mark, and as Hezbollah reels under the massive Israeli bombing campaign on its leaders and operational centers in Lebanon, it has become clear that militant political Islam has run out of steam. Concurrently, Iran’s defense strategic doctrine has been deprived of a major component; namely, its “proxy” militia groups.
As a U.S. government senior analyst, I followed political Islam and Islamic activism since the early 1990s. Now nearly 30 years later, it’s safe to judge with confidence that if this phenomenon is to survive, leaders of Islamic parties must jettison violence and militancy and return to participatory politics.
Israel’s recent military successes against Hamas and Hezbollah might give the government of Benjamin Netanyahu cause for celebration. But because of his refusal or unwillingness to address the root causes that helped create Islamic political parties and movements in Palestine, Lebanon, and elsewhere, Israeli successes in war could prove no more than a Pyrrhic victory.
Furthermore, the killing of well over 43,000 Palestinians in Gaza and several thousands more in the West Bank and Lebanon cannot and must not be justified by Israel’s spurious claims that the carnage has been inadvertently caused by the targeting of “terrorists.” The massive destruction of Gaza and parts of Lebanon gives the impression that the Israeli military views Palestinian and Lebanese civilians as legitimate targets because of Hamas' and Hezbollah's attacks on Israel.
Yet, despite the assassinations and the destruction in Gaza, the West Bank, southern Lebanon and Beirut’s southern suburbs since October 7, 2023, Hamas and Hezbollah continue to exist, clearly not as strong military forces as they were before the last year’s conflicts, but as an idea representing their peoples’ political aspirations. If that’s the case, where does political Islam go from here? A brief history might help answer this question.
The phenomenon of political Islam and Islamization has manifested itself in the past three decades through at least three different interpretations of the Muslim faith with varying degrees of operational durability and reach: a radical interpretation; mainstream political mobilization by Islamic movements; and country-specific, single-issue political movements.
Radical political Islam
Since the early 1990s, Islamic radicalism has been more closely identified with the Saudi-based Salafi Wahhabi doctrine, which was developed in the 18th century by the famedArabian Peninsula theologian Muhammad Ibn Abd al-Wahhab. Salafi Wahhabi Islam, which until recent years has been the hallmark of the Saudi state, advocates jihad in all its forms against the perceived enemies of their brand of Islam.
Unlike the other three schools of jurisprudence in Sunni Islam, the Hanbali-based Salafi Wahhabism considers jihad a central tenet of Islam. It has also pursued proselytization or da’wa to propagate the Salafi Wahhabi doctrine across the world. Whereas the concept of jihad in the other schools is mostly a personal, peaceful effort to make one a better Muslim, in Salafi Wahhabism, it can be a religiously justifiable violent act against perceived infidels, states and individuals alike.
The Taliban, al-Qaida, ISIS, ISIS-K, and their affiliated groups have been the most violent expression of Salafi Wahhabism. They have committed countless acts of terrorism against their perceived enemies across the globe. Saudi and other Salafi Wahhabi radicals in the 1990s viewed the United States as part of “Dar al-Harb” or the abode of war, which made it a justifiable target. Osama bin Ladin underscored this claim a month after 9/11. More than two decades later, the victims of the 9/11 attacks have yet to reach a closure in their quest for justice and accountability.
The threat of this radical paradigm, although still present in some corners of the Muslim world, has all but dissipated, and the scourge of global Islamic jihad has faded.
Mainstream Sunni political Islam
The establishment of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in Egypt in 1928 was the forerunner of political Islam globally. While ostensibly, the MB was created to combat the pro-British monarchy in Egypt, its primary mission was to transform the Egyptian society into a more ethical Muslim polity.
The group’s slogan, now nearly a century later, has always been “Islam is a faith, a society, and a state” or as it’s known in Arabic, “Al-Islam Din, Dunya, Dawla.” The so-called three Ds in the MB identity became an organizing principle for other Islamic parties throughout the Muslim world. As a result, Islamic parties embedded in MB ideology were formed in Syria, Jordan, Palestine, Morocco, Tunisia, Kuwait, Indonesia, Malaysia, Turkey, Kenya, Uzbekistan, and elsewhere. Although these parties are connected to the MB ideologically, they were not connected to it organizationally and operationally.
In terms of political mobilization, the MB and its affiliated parties supported gradual political change where free elections were permitted. With a few exceptions, mainstream Islamic political parties participated in national elections and accepted the election results peacefully. Where some of these parties were banned from participating in national elections, they ran “independent” candidates with no overt party affiliations. Most of these parties shunned violence and strove to change their societies from below through civic mobilization.
I interacted with many of these parties during my government career and frequently briefed policymakers on their contributions to their societies, especially in the fields of education, health care, civil society activities, family hygiene, water resources, job creation, start-ups, and other areas. As examples of these activities in the 1980s and 1990s, the MB built and operated affordable networks of hospitals across Egypt, which primarily benefited the middle class. The Refah Party created an Islamic chamber of commerce, which supported small businesses across Turkey. PAS in Malaysia established a high-quality but affordable school system and vocational training programs for their youth.
In response to the root causes of poverty, hunger, disease, unemployment, inadequate education and health services, and youth hopelessness, Islamic parties presented a political alternative to the strongman rule prevalent in most Muslim countries. Where they were allowed to participate in national elections in the 1980s and 1990s, they received relatively large numbers of votes, from Turkey to Egypt and Malaysia. Strongmen prevailed against these parties and ultimately curtailed their political activities severely and denied them the right to participate in future national elections. Consequently, the root causes continued to fester without tangible solutions.
Country-specific Islamic parties and movements
Hamas and Hezbollah, as prime examples of these parties, were established in response to specific situations in their countries — Israeli occupation of parts of Palestine and of south Lebanon. While the two parties are similar in their objectives, they differ in their religious orientation. Hamas is grounded in Muslim Brotherhood Sunni Islamic ideology, while Hezbollah adheres to the mainstream Twelver Shia doctrine of Islam.
Despite the thousands of deaths among Hamas and Hezbollah in the current war with Israel, their leaders continue to insist that their “struggle” against Israel will continue until their nationalist goals are attained.
The way forward
Bread-and-butter concerns and job creation programs became the basis of the so-called Muslim engagement efforts of the U.S. government in the 1980s and 1990s, which were initiated in several Muslim countries, from Egypt to Uzbekistan and from Morocco to Bangladesh. Sadly, many of these programs were curtailed after 9/11 as the Bush administration shifted its resources to fund the global war on terror.
Successive American administrations have dealt with political Islam with varying degrees of success. They have rejected the radical paradigm and its violent jihad. However, Washington has engaged some of the mainstream Islamic parties through diplomacy by funding tangible social and economic programs and encouraging their democratic orientations, until October 7, that is.
As the region moves beyond October 7, the incoming Trump administration should realize that unless the root causes are addressed and Muslim youth can envision a hopeful future, Muslim countries, including America’s strongest allies, will continue to suffer from instability and chaos for years to come. And the U.S. itself could find itself under attack by radical groups and terrorist organizations.
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Top image credit: U.S. Army Soldiers conclude a training exercise in support of Combined Joint Task Force - Operation Inherent Resolve, in Western Iraq, Oct. 30, 2024. Large-scale, multi-capability exercises like these enhance Partner Forces' readiness to employ various tactics and capabilities to defeat ISIS at any time, in any place, across the region. (U.S. Army photo by Spc. Tyler Becker)
The election is now behind us and the impacts on America’s foreign policy are emerging. One thing that shouldn’t change is our commitment to the deal reached between the Biden administration and the Iraqi government for a withdrawal of most U.S. forces from Iraq in 2025.
As veterans who served in Iraq, we are urging the new administration to stick to the agreed timetable and see to it that American service members are no longer risking their lives in Iraq.
Ian Robinson, Air Force: Iraq—my first deployment in 2003 feels like a distant memory, yet when I close my eyes, I can vividly picture the sand swirling along the endless road that stretches to the horizon. Sometimes, I can almost feel the scorching heat on my skin; it’s like standing in front of a hairdryer on its highest setting on the hottest day of summer, dusty and dirty. This land has endured a lifetime of conflict and carries a heavy weight of animosity, and our troops still remain stationed there. Iraq is a place where we have never truly belonged, and the most promising path toward future stability may lie in our departure, especially after all the time and money and lives we have spent there.
Laura Hartman, US Army: As a 2004 Iraq War veteran, I’ve seen the toll war takes on warfighters, families, and innocent civilians. War leaves lives shattered, deep moral injuries and genetic conditions that affect generations. After reporting a military sexual assault, I left our FOB only to meet with military lawyers. As a former VA psychiatric nurse, I saw the truth of war unfold through my patients’ pain. Suicide prevention and mental health treatment are shared responsibilities. After decades of lies, bloodshed and betrayal, I support a full withdrawal from Iraq. Focus on nation-building here at home. It's time to demand political accountability for the consequences of war. Enough is enough.
Adam Jahnke, USMC: Iraq is a bitter memory for me. I was injured and lost two friends from my platoon. I served with 3rd Battalion 2nd Marines, an infantry Company, from 2005-2009, I made two deployments to Iraq in 2006, and 2008. This time was the “best” worst time of my life. The lack of sleep, operational tempo, and challenges of a combat deployment were drastic. Everyone to the right and left of me rose to the occasion and fought hard, for each other, the Marine Corps, and our country. However, many of us including myself now feel our sacrifice was for naught. The loss of life and of resources was wasteful. Many of us suffer lifelong issues with PTSD, TBI, and other health conditions related to our deployments, as we are left wondering: "what was our sacrifice in Iraq for."
Brian Fay, Army: I enlisted in the Army in 2007 during the second surge into Iraq, but I didn’t deploy until late 2009. I remember earlier that year watching the news as President Obama signed an agreement to draw down troops and leave only a presence of “non-combat” troops to train and advise. I went to Iraq shortly after, wondering just what our mission would be. We had just spent the last year and half training for urban warfare.
Aside from a few missions we ran with the Iraq Police, there was little advising and assisting being done. For a year we went out every night on missions to prevent IEDs on critical supply routes and reacting to rocket and mortar attacks on our FOB. Every day, during my supposedly “non-combat" tour in Iraq, my life and the lives of the soldiers I was with were put in danger. And for what? The only thing the agreement that President Obama signed with Iraq accomplished was restricting our rules of engagement with the enemy and putting us in further danger. There is no such thing as troops being able to stay in a combat zone and not be in some sort of life-threatening danger every single day.
Maurice Winstead, Navy: My first Mid-East deployment was in 2008, sailing to deliver a battalion of U.S. Marines to their mission location. Prior to reaching our destination we encountered pirates. Several situations were very close calls. Loss is never an easy topic to discuss, but far too many times I’ve seen our troops and sailors put in unnecessary danger. I’ve seen mental health issues like Post Traumatic Stress Disorder afflict former shipmates. This new administration needs to honor the promise that our troops will be out of Iraq in 2025. It’s time.
Jessica Vargas, USMC:I was a 19-year-old food service Marine deployed to Iraq as part of the 2003 invasion. My service quickly shifted, and I was attached to combat engineers, building living quarters for our troops, securing the perimeter, and assisting medics with the injured—a heavy burden for someone so young. Treating the wounded, I confronted the realities of war, witnessing tragic consequences of combat.
At night I heard the prayers of fellow Marines. Not all prayers are answered. My fellow Marine and high school friend, Jesse Jaime, who enlisted alongside me, died when an improvised explosive device struck his unit. His twin brother, also a Marine, accompanied Jesse’s body home.
War echoes still ripple through my life, leaving scars and a profound understanding of the costs of warfare, including post-traumatic stress. Friends have been diagnosed with PTSD, traumatic brain injuries, and cancers from burn pit exposure. Not just injuries of the flesh, but wounds to mind and spirit, lingering long after the guns have gone silent.
I pray we can bring our troops home from combat zones and give them the quality health care they deserve. The sacrifices made by our soldiers and their families must not have been in vain. It’s time we leave Iraq.
***
After September 11, 2001, I was not surprised to find myself headed to Iraq in 2003. I was initially supportive of our role there. I joined the National Guard in 2000 and served as a U.S. Army Infantryman in Iraq in 2004, patrolling in the Sunni Triangle, dealing with Improvised Explosive Devices and seeing friends wounded and killed.
As time passed after the deployment, each year’s Memorial Day and anniversaries of comrades’ passing added up, compounded by post deployment suicides, and I realized the war was a catastrophic failure. Those lives which had so much promise were squandered over a set of lies, lies which so many of us believed. It’s past time to end America’s adventures in Iraq. Arriving from different services and different walks of life, we are united by our common bonds as veterans. These experiences, unique to each of us, create a shared sense of frustration and grief over lost lives, wasted resources and missed opportunities.
Today, 2,500 U.S. service members serve in Iraq, facing constant threats from drones, mortars and rockets. No one has convincingly explained why they’re there.
Another American killed in Iraq will be another wasted life and another round of grief and pain for comrades and families. The Trump administration should complete the 2025 withdrawal of U.S. forces as agreed to by the Iraqi and U.S. governments earlier this year.
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