Follow us on social

2023-07-11t161646z_1244052469_rc2212a90rks_rtrmadp_3_golf-pgatour-liv-congress-scaled

Saudi sportswashing stonewalls the Senate

Saudi Arabia is doubling down on the veil of secrecy surrounding its attempt to effectively control the international game of golf.

Analysis | Washington Politics

Late Wednesday, Connecticut Sen. Richard Blumenthal sent a letter admonishing the Saudi Public Investment Fund (PIF) for refusing to testify before — or provide documents to — the Senate Permanent Select Committee on Investigations, which is looking into the proposed merger of LIV Golf, the PGA Tour, and the DP World Tour that is being bankrolled by the PIF.

Blumenthal, who chairs the committee, did not mince words about the Saudi regime's lack of transparency.

“PIF cannot have it both ways: if it wants to engage with the United States commercially, it must be subject to United States law and oversight,” the Democratic senator wrote. “That oversight includes this Subcommittee’s inquiry.”

What are the Saudis trying to hide? While we might not know the full extent for some time, when two PGA Tour officials testified before Blumenthal’s committee last month we learned of at least one goal of this Saudi sports-grab: censorship. The PGA officials confirmed that the interim merger agreement includes a non-disparagement clause, which prohibits PGA officials, and possibly even players, from saying “defamatory remarks” about the tyrannical Saudi regime. 

In short, the Saudis are engaging in what’s known as sportswashing — using sponsorship of athletic events to launder their reputation. They’d prefer if Americans forgot the Saudi government's involvement in 9/11, the brutal murder of Washington Post contributor and Saudi dissident Jamal Khashoggi, or the Saudi military using U.S.-made weapons to bomb a wedding and school bus in Yemen.

Instead, when we hear “Saudi Arabia,” they’d prefer we think about LIV Golf ambassador Phil Mickelson sinking a long putt and, of course, forget that before Mickelson took an estimated $200 million from the Saudi regime, he described them as “scary motherfuckers.”

The Saudis’ bid to effectively take over golf is part of a much broader Saudi influence operation in the U.S. that seeks to impact U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. On the economic front this influence includes massive investments in the gaming industry and the tech sector, including X (formerly Twitter), where a former employee was convicted of spying on Saudi dissidents using the platform.

In the entertainment arena, the Kingdom is attempting to woo Hollywood and the arts community in addition to massive investments in other sports, like soccer, Formula 1 racing, the WWE, and, of course, golf. At the center of this wheel of influence in the U.S. is the Saudi lobby — a collection of some two dozen lobbying and public relations firms that work to coordinate these seemingly disparate influence efforts, in addition to laundering the Saudis’ reputation in the U.S. and pushing U.S. foreign policy in decidedly pro-Saudi directions, like paving the way for tens of billions of dollars in U.S. arms sales to the Kingdom. 

While sportswashing might be one of the newest weapons in this Saudi influence operation, it is leaning on a staple of the Kingdom’s efforts: secrecy and deception. Whether it’s tricking veterans into lobbying against families of 9/11 victims or the Saudi Embassy helping Saudi citizens accused of crimes in the U.S. flee the country, the Saudi monarchy has done its dirtiest deeds in the dark.

Saudi sportswashing isn’t happening in an international vacuum either, as authoritarian regimes learn from each others’ influence operations in the U.S. After China proved it could effectively silence the human rights concerns of the NBA and its players, Saudi Arabia and Qatar began investing heavily in U.S. sports. As I’ve argued elsewhere, this is why sports is the next frontier of foreign influence in America. 

And that is why every other authoritarian regime in the world is watching to see how the U.S. responds to a takeover of one of the most popular sports in America. If the U.S., once again, stands idly by as an authoritarian regime launches a new influence operation in the U.S. the Saudi takeover of golf will become a blueprint for other dictators and send a clear message: If you want to muzzle America, bet on sports.


Anne Wodenshek and Tara Strobert-Nolan, who lost their husbands on 9/11, listen during a Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee hearing on Captiol Hill to examine the planned PGA Tour-LIV Golf merger, in Washington, U.S., July 11, 2023. REUTERS/Evelyn Hockstein
Analysis | Washington Politics
Mark Levin
Top photo credit: Erick Stakelbeck on TBN/Screengrab

The great fade out: Neocon influencers rage as they diminish

Media

Mark Levin appears to be having a meltdown.

The veteran neoconservative talk host is repulsed by reports that President Donald Trump might be inching closer to an Iranian nuclear deal, reducing the likelihood of war. In addition to his rants on how this would hurt Israel, Levin has been howling to anyone who will listen that any deal with Iran needs approval from Congress (funny he doesn’t have the same attitude for waging war, only for making peace).

keep readingShow less
american military missiles
Top photo credit: Fogcatcher/Shutterstock

5 ways the military industrial complex is a killer

Latest

Congress is on track to finish work on the fiscal year 2025 Pentagon budget this week, and odds are that it will add $150 billion to its funding for the next few years beyond what the department even asked for. Meanwhile, President Trump has announced a goal of over $1 trillion for the Pentagon for fiscal year 2026.

With these immense sums flying out the door, it’s a good time to take a critical look at the Pentagon budget, from the rationales given to justify near record levels of spending to the impact of that spending in the real world. Here are five things you should know about the Pentagon budget and the military-industrial complex that keeps the churn going.

keep readingShow less
Sudan
Top image credit: A Sudanese army soldier stands next to a destroyed combat vehicle as Sudan's army retakes ground and some displaced residents return to ravaged capital in the state of Khartoum Sudan March 26, 2025. REUTERS/El Tayeb Siddig

Will Sudan attack the UAE?

Africa

Recent weeks events have dramatically cast the Sudanese civil war back into the international spotlight, drawing renewed scrutiny to the role of external actors, particularly the United Arab Emirates.

This shift has been driven by Sudan's accusations at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) against the UAE concerning violations of the Genocide Convention, alongside drone strikes on Port Sudan that Khartoum vociferously attributes to direct Emirati participation. Concurrently, Secretary of State Marco Rubio publicly reaffirmed the UAE's deep entanglement in the conflict at a Senate hearing last week.

From Washington, another significant and sudden development also surfaced last week: the imposition of U.S. sanctions on the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) for alleged chemical weapons use. This dramatic accusation was met by an immediate denial from Sudan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which vehemently dismissed the claims as "unfounded" and criticized the U.S. for bypassing the proper international mechanisms, specifically the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, despite Sudan's active membership on its Executive Council.

Despite the gravity of such an accusation, corroboration for the use of chemical agents in Sudan’s war remains conspicuously absent from public debate or reporting, save for a January 2025 New York Times article citing unnamed U.S. officials. That report itself contained a curious disclaimer: "Officials briefed on the intelligence said the information did not come from the United Arab Emirates, an American ally that is also a staunch supporter of the R.S.F."

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.