The Wall Street Journal featured an article this weekend announcing that the United States “aims to thwart China’s plan for Atlantic base in Africa,” as it supposedly encroaches on America’s “home turf.” The Journal published this just days after the Biden administration ridiculed the very notion of spheres of influence when Russia raised it in the Ukraine context.
It is quite stunning to see how the WSJ in its reporting — let alone its opinion section — pushes for American global military domination by creating a narrative that other countries are expansionist. Consider the numbers: the United States has more than 750 military bases worldwide. China has two.
Yet, according to the WSJ, it is China that pursues an aggressive "expansionist" policy by seeking a base (unclear whether it is military) in West Africa — which WSJ goes on to declare America's "backyard."
This is not about whether China is right or wrong on this issue. If indeed the base is military, there are good arguments as to why Equatorial Guinea should reject it. But one can oppose a Chinese military base in Africa without justifying continued American military hegemony globally — or mislead the readers to not even become aware of that broader context.
WSJ is entirely silent on what the United States itself does, leaving the readers with the impression that China is seeking global military domination while America’s 750 military bases are nothing more than Disneyland-style amusement parks. Though U.S. military bases outnumber Chinese ones by a factor of +300, it’s America that is playing defense, while China is "expansionist"? Perhaps both are?
And though Washington has encircled China with military bases throughout East Asia, some less than 100 miles away from the Chinese mainland, this reporting suggests it is China that is the aggressor by potentially building one in America's "backyard" — West Africa — more than 6000 miles from Florida. The point is not whether China's actions are problematic or not, but rather how the mainstream media often uncritically advances a narrative designed to strengthen U.S. military hegemony, which increases the likelihood of war, and ultimately makes the United States itself less secure.
As I wrote for MSNBC last week, the hard truth is that America's endless wars could not have happened without the media failing to systematically scrutinize the foundational assumptions of American foreign policy. This is a true case in point.
Trita Parsi is the co-founder and Executive Vice president of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.
A Soldier from Senegal observes the firing range with a Marine, assigned to India Company, 3rd Battalion, 23rd Marine Regiment out of Little Rock, Ark., during Exercise Western Accord 14, June 19, 2014. ((U.S. Army Africa photo by Sgt. William Gore)
Top photo credit: Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian arrive for a ceremony to sign an agreement of comprehensive strategic partnership between the two countries, at the Kremlin in Moscow, Russia January 17, 2025. Sputnik/Vyacheslav Prokofyev/Pool via REUTER
Russia is reportedly interested in assisting U.S. efforts to negotiate a new and broader nuclear deal with Iran.
The potential for Washington-Moscow cooperation on Iran’s nuclear program comes as the Middle East continues to experience its most tumultuous days in recent memory, facing a litany of risks that could ignite into broader conflict at any moment. While some view Iran’s so-called Axis of Resistance as on the back foot, justifying an aggressive posture to “reshape the Middle East,” the reality is that any added aggression risks disaster in a region where Washington should be hyper-focused on shrinking its footprint.
The reporting on potential Russian mediation comes one month after President Donald Trump signed a National Security Presidential Memorandum (NSPM-2), declaring a return of “maximum pressure” against Iran. NSPM-2 makes clear its reasoning for maximum pressure: “Iran’s behavior threatens the national interest of the United States. It is therefore in the national interest to impose maximum pressure on the Iranian regime to end its nuclear threat, curtail its ballistic missile program, and stop its support for terrorist groups.”
Trump has left the option of military strikes on Iranian nuclear and military sites on the table should non-military efforts fail to curtail Tehran.
This rationalization of interests could not be further from the truth when considering the use of military force versus diplomatic mechanisms to rein in Iran’s nuclear program. The United States has very narrowly defined interests in the Middle East, regardless of what hawkish pundits would have the American public believe. Indeed, the opposite of NSPM-2 is true of U.S. regional policy priorities: avoiding a war with Iran is a core U.S. interest.
Policymakers should always try to apply a restrained approach to military force that considers the law and vital national interests. In this regard, there is not a legal basis for attacking Iran. More importantly, Iran does not present an existential threat to the United States in any current or medium-term scenario. Rather, Tehran presents an immediate threat to the interest of certain regional partners — namely Israel — and U.S. forces left exposed in forward positions across the Middle East.
Yet even when observing regional geopolitical dynamics, the Islamic Republic is not an existential threat to Israel, which is the most powerful Middle Eastern country militarily. This says nothing of the natural regional rebalancing that has occurred over time to check Iranian actions, including but not limited to the Abraham Accords, a growing interstate missile defense network, and the China-sponsored renormalization agreement between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
Beyond interests, any maximum pressure strategy against Iran that includes striking its nuclear and military facilities would be ineffective and counterproductive. The U.S. intelligence community estimates that an attack on Iran’s nuclear sites would achieve a modest impact at best, setting back Tehran’s nuclear program by only “weeks or months” without eliminating its ability to reconstitute.
The Islamic Republic cannot be fully isolated from the world in any way that would block efforts to resist maximum pressure or rebuild its nuclear program, as witnessed by its increasingly close, albeit transactional, relations with Russia, China, and many of its neighbors. Indeed, on the nuclear file, it has the domestic knowledge base to resume nuclear activities after any attack.
Worse, a massive strike on Iranian nuclear and military sites will effectively kill any future attempts at diplomacy between the West and Tehran. The Islamic Republic’s leadership is already skeptical of the West and bases much of its limited legitimacy on anti-American and anti-imperial sentiment. Hawkish decisions against the country empower Iranian hardliners and vice versa, leaving limited options for permanently curtailing the Iranian nuclear program outside of violent regime change while inducing a race to the bottom that fuels hardline views and policies.
Yet any future war with Iran will be disastrous for the Middle East and globally — including the United States. It also harms an additional core but narrow interest: sustaining regional stability for the free flow of energy products in support of global energy security. Washington and the broader international community cannot afford a brutal war with one of the region’s most powerful countries, let alone one with proxies willing to expand the conflict region-wide.
While Iran will likely lose any war with the United States, the post-conflict scenario is equally undesirable. Iran is a large and diverse country with multiple ethnicities that would fight for statelets from the former nation, inducing a 2006 Iraq-style civil conflict with disastrous results.
There are better ways to approach the issue of Iran’s nuclear ambitions, as news of potential U.S.-Russia cooperation on the issue highlight. While building a coalition of world leaders interested in curtailing Iran’s nuclear program, U.S. officials would be wise to voice opposition publicly and privately to unhelpful policies that stifle a diplomatic approach. That effort should include tempering Israel’s ambitions to change the security environment through short-sighted, military-first strategies.
Such considerations are critical for advancing real U.S. interests, which preclude yet another Middle East war.
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Top image credit: USA TODAY NETWORK via Reuters Connect
In yet another example of Donald Trump announcing new policy via social media, the president has now pledged to crack down on “illegal protests” at universities, warning that “agitators” will be headed to jail or targeted for deportation.
Most likely, Trump’s Truth Social post is a reference to last year’s uprising of student encampments and protests at universities across the country in opposition to U.S. weapons and political support for Israel’s onslaught of Gaza that the International Court of Justice and every major human rights organization has concluded plausibly amounts to genocide. On the campaign trail, Trump already pledged to crush pro-Palestinian protests if they ramp up again, including deporting foreign national students who participate.
Many may see this and not be very alarmed. After all, peaceful protest isn’t illegal. But what many do not realize is that counterterrorism law gives enormously wide-ranging discretionary authority to the president, to law enforcement, and to immigration officials that could be used to squelch free speech and dissent.
For example: providing material support for terrorism is a federal crime. This may seem fair enough on its face. But the breathtaking scope of this provision becomes more clear once we see how the terms are defined. “Material support” includes the provision of “service,” “expert advice or assistance,” “communications equipment,” or “personnel” (including yourself). And the Supreme Court has confirmed that the support does not actually have to go toward any particular violent act that might be considered terrorism, only to a group that is designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) by the U.S. government, even if that support is otherwise lawful.
Hamas is designated as an FTO and those opposing U.S. and Israeli policy are often accused of supporting Hamas. Could peaceful pro-Palestine protesters be charged with materially supporting terrorism? This is exactly what the Anti-Defamation League was pushing for in the last wave of student protests when it urged universities to shut down and investigate Students for Justice in Palestine chapters for their role in organizing the activism. It is also what Rep. James Comer suggested in a letter he sent to Americans Muslims for Palestine in his capacity as the chairman of the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability, demanding documents and information.
Allegations of “material support for terrorism” have long been launched against peaceful pro-Palestine activists by those who disagree with them ideologically, including suggestions that such activism provides “services” to Hamas in the form of public relations or propaganda. The Supreme Court has been clear that independent advocacy remains protected by the First Amendment, but aggressive prosecutors could allege that activism is illegally “directed by” or “coordinated with” a designated terrorist organization by leaning on things like similar uses of language from both protestors and Hamas (there are already numerous civil lawsuits making this exact case.)
What about Trump’s pledge to deport foreign students who engage in protest? Immigration law contains enormously wide-ranging counterterrorism measures that deny foreign nationals entry or permit their deportation if officials determine that they “persuade[d] others to support a terrorist organization,” or “endorse[d] or espouse[d]” or “persuade[d] others to endorse or espouse terrorist activity.” These are the same stringent provisions that prevented Nelson Mandela from easily traveling to the United States, even once he became the leader of South Africa, until Congress passed a law in 2008 rectifying the embarrassing situation.
Many Members of Congress and state attorneys general were already urging the Biden administration to ramp up deportations of foreign student protestors last year using these provisions of the law. Now that the Trump administration has taken over immigration enforcement, we can easily imagine these “anti-terrorism” laws being relied upon to execute a sweeping revocation of student visas and mass deportations - all for peacefully protesting US and Israeli policies in Gaza.
It is almost a cliche by now that we are supposed to take bombastic statements from Trump “seriously, but not literally.” But, because of the massive power given to him by counterterrorism laws, we may actually want to take this one literally.
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Top photo credit: American mechanized infantry troops support Combined Joint Task Force- Operation Inherent Resolve and partner with Syrian Democratic Forces to defeat ISIS remnants and protect critical infrastructure in eastern Syria. (U.S. Army Reserve photo by Spc. DeAndre Pierce)
On Sunday, U.S. Central Command announced that it had recently killed two people linked to Al-Qaeda in Idlib, Syria. One of the men, Wasim Tahsin Bayraqdar, was reportedly the brother of a current Syrian government minister. U.S. Central Command identified the other man as a “senior military leader of al-Qaeda affiliate Hurras al-Din.”
This is just the latest in a series of strikes carried out by the U.S. on an array of Syrian targets since the fall of dictator Bashar al-Assad in December. It’s the fourth to specifically target a member of Hurras al–Din since the organization announced it would cease operations in January.
To say that the tempo of U.S. military attacks and raids have not let up despite the leadership shakeup in Damascus would be an understatement. The forces may have originally moved into the region due to the civil war against Assad’s government after 2014, but the anti-ISIS justification (among others) has kept the missiles flying and boots on the ground.
“It’s a travesty that even after the fall of Assad, the primary way the U.S. engages with Syria is not through any diplomatic presence but through air strikes,” said Adam Weinstein, Middle East fellow at the Quincy Institute, noting that there are reasons why the new leadership of Syria has not pushed back on these military operations, yet. “The new government in Damascus, seeing these groups as potential rivals, is probably content with their elimination.”
Given that many Islamist groups like Hurras al-Din have voluntarily dissolved under the new rebel government, it is unclear where they now fit into Washington’s justification for continued operations other than their old Al Qaeda/ISIS connections. The new ruling faction, Hay’at Tahrir Al-Sham, is also a former Al-Qaeda affiliate but its leader, Ahmed Hussein al-Sharaa, was removed from a terrorist designation list by the Biden administration in December in an apparent gesture of goodwill. Perhaps, as Weinstein described, the U.S. is now doing al-Sharaa a favor.
Nevertheless, after Assad’s overthrow, the Biden administration announced that despite the regime change, Washington would still make its military presence felt to ensure a power vacuum was not filled by ISIS. Biden did not mention that Al-Qaeda remnants were also on the target list.
Trump has not articulated a clear position on the new Syrian government, but in February he indicated his preference for a scaled back U.S. military presence in the country. "We're not involved in Syria. Syria is in its own mess. They've got enough messes over there. They don't need us involved," he said in January. He has spoken publicly about targeting ISIS in Somalia but said little about his administration’s attacks on the group or other militant elements in Syria or Iraq, which still hosts forces of 2,000 and 2,500 U.S. troops respectively.
“U.S. troops in northeast Syria are unlikely to impact stability or internal dynamics enough to justify their continued presence,” said Weinstein.
Even if Trump does withdraw troops from Syria, U.S. air strikes won’t necessarily stop as they are launched from U.S. bases in the region. Meanwhile, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth recently confirmed that the Pentagon would loosen its general restrictions designed to mitigate civilian harm through air strikes. The new policy would allow the military to target a wider spread of people through air strikes beyond just senior members of terrorist organizations.
Because the Trump administration has not yet laid out a definite military strategy in Syria, it remains to be seen how these rules will affect U.S. airstrikes — their tempo and targets — in Syria going forward.
Hegseth also fired three Judge Advocate General’s Corps lawyers last Monday responsible for providing legal advice to the military (including authorizing and reviewing air strikes), describing them as “roadblocks” to the president's authority. This has raised alarm bells for a dozen Senate Armed Services Committee members who stated in a letter, “Without independent counsel, military operations risk violating international law, exposing U.S. forces to war crimes allegations, damaging alliances, and undermining global legitimacy.”
After more than a decade of intervention in Syria and an unprecedented regime change, the U.S. is still at war there. The new government is no longer a stated adversary and Trump has acknowledged the need to get out, but the question remains: what is the justification for not only the troop presence, but continued bombing of targets in this sovereign country? How long until one of our troops is killed or the new government decides that we have killed off enough of his old comrades (or rivals in arms)?
“The whole situation in Syria is complex, and its future is uncertain,” offered John Allen Gay, executive director of the John Quincy Adams Society.
“The mission is unclear and has been unclear since the destruction of ISIS," he added. "I don't want American troops sitting in the middle of a complex, uncertain situation, especially if we're not even sure what they're there to do.”
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