Follow us on social

US to bring troops home from Iraq, but why not from Syria, too?

US to bring troops home from Iraq, but why not from Syria, too?

Time to let the neighborhood keep ISIS in check and region in balance

Analysis | Middle East

Despite the claims of Vice President Kamala Harris that there are no U.S. troops in active combat zones today, many remain deployed abroad in dangerous and unsustainable positions across the world. This includes both Iraq and Syria.

The United States and Iraq, however, have apparently reached a deal to begin the removal of 2,500 U.S. forces still stationed in that country. Staged over the course of 2025 and to conclude in 2026, the plan would, if successful, put an end to the U.S. military presence in a nation where many of the internal problems have a direct relationship to the invasion of 2003.

Next door to Iraq is Syria, a country whose own brutal and long-running civil war has also seen over a decade of U.S. intervention, from the ill-conceived Operation Timber Sycamore, the largest known C.I.A. arm and equip program in history, to direct U.S. occupation via bases of significant parts of the east of the country. Meanwhile, a long coordinated regime change campaign targeting President Bashir al-Assad failed after exacerbating the situation on the ground.

Operation Timber Sycamore was later exposed as having helped a rebel movement that was disproportionately Islamist and often linked to informal or even explicit alliances with al-Qaida affiliates. The goals of these movements often included the imposition of a theocratic government and the forced conversion or even extermination of sectarian minority groups. Barely more than a decade after 9/11, the U.S. was undermining its own self-proclaimed "War on Terror" in order to conduct regime change.

Out of this chaotic mess would come the rise of ISIS, something unlikely to have gotten so much traction without all the non-state actors that grew up in the wake of both Iraq and Syrian wars.

But while the U.S. played a supporting role, it was actually a complex patchwork of local forces and Iranian-backed militias that did the majority of the anti-ISIS fighting in the last decade. The U.S. strongly supported the Kurds while opposing to the Syrian government which was also fighting ISIS at the time. Meanwhile, in Iraq, the U.S. worked with Iranian-supported militias against ISIS only to then fear their influence.

It is, so the U.S. government says, to prevent the resurgence of this terror network that U.S. bases have remained in Syria and Iraq. There are reportedly 900 U.S. troops still in Syria today. They are also serving as a counter to the very Iranian influence which keeps ISIS at bay. A hornet’s nest of regional actors swarm about these remote bases, and so the purpose and sustainability of the deployments grow ever more questionable.

The problem with being a counter in a slice of territory surrounded by governments friendly to Iran is that these small forces are effectively tripwires. They are attacked frequently, resulting in American casualties continuing through this summer, but do not exist in numbers great enough to meaningfully change the balance of power with local actors.

Both of the Iraqi and Syrian governments — who, despite their issues, remain the most powerful forces in their respective countries — are friendly with Iran. As the Gaza War further inflames tensions, including Israeli airstrikes on Syria proper, the risks only increase. Sanctions, meanwhile, have done immense damage to Syria’s economy but failed to undermine the government or achieve any opportunities for U.S. diplomacy.

There is no excuse for risking the lives of American servicemen in what is increasingly a series of failed interventions passed from one generation to another. If Iran is to be contained it will be by other more local countries containing it, not a smattering of vulnerable and isolated American bases. These bases, frankly, could only be made relevant with a massive infusion of reinforcements that the American public is unlikely to ever support, considering the rapidly souring mood towards interventions abroad.

Furthermore, with the welcome news of U.S. forces pulling out of Iraq, the only land access to the bases in Syria will be via Jordan. This could leave their supply lines even more under threat than they are now. It thus makes perfect sense that if Iraq is to be evacuated by U.S. forces, Syria should be as well.

Knowing all of this, it is time to bring the U.S. intervention in Syria to a close in tandem with the intervention in Iraq.


Virginia National Guard Soldiers assigned to the Norfolk-based 1st Battalion, 111th Field Artillery Regiment, 116th Infantry Brigade Combat Team reunite with loved ones and fellow Soldiers Dec. 3, 2022, in Richmond, Virginia, after serving on federal active duty in Iraq since March 2022. (U.S. Army National Guard photo by Terra C. Gatti)

Analysis | Middle East
Latin America's hidden role in shaping US foreign policy
Top image credit: President Getulio Vargas of Brazil confers with President Franklin D. Roosevelt at a conference aboard a U.S. destroyer in the Potengi River harbor at Natal, January 1943 (via US LIBRARY OF CONGRESS)

Latin America's hidden role in shaping US foreign policy

Latin America

For much of the Washington D.C. foreign policy apparatus, Latin America — a region plagued by economic instability, political upheaval, and social calamity — represents little more than a headache or an after-thought.

Not for Greg Grandin.

keep readingShow less
Hiroshima
Top image credit: Dennis MacDonald / Shutterstock.com

Symposium: Why was Japan the only nuclear holocaust in 80 yrs?

Global Crises

Eighty years ago today, August 6, 1945, the U.S. military dropped an atomic weapon nicknamed “Little Boy” on the city Hiroshima, Japan, resulting in a blast equivalent of 15 kilotons of TNT, killing approximately 66,000 people immediately and some 100,000 more, the vast majority civilians, by the end of 1945.

Three days later, the U.S. deployed another nuclear bomb — this one “Fat Man” — on the Japanese city of Nagasaki, leaving upwards of 80,000 people dead by the end of the year.

keep readingShow less
Paul Biya
Top image credit: Cameroonian President Paul Biya, July 26, 2022. Photo by Stephane Lemouton/Pool/ABACAPRESS.COM via REUTERS

How an aging despot's grip on power could unravel Central Africa

Africa

A few weeks ago, 92-year-old Cameroonian President Paul Biya announced his intention to run for an eighth term in the country’s forthcoming election. This announcement, shocking, albeit widely anticipated, is already fueling fear that the country’s stability could be at risk, with wider implications for regional security.

The aged leader, who has ruled Cameroon with an iron fist since 1982, is easily the oldest president anywhere in the world. Indeed, only a few Cameroonians alive remember a time without Biya in power. Yet recent health scares seem to suggest that he may have reached the limit of his natural abilities. In 2008, his regime carried out a constitutional amendment to annul the two-term limit — clearing Biya’s path to rule for life through elections that, although regular, have been neither free nor fair.

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.