Follow us on social

US to bring troops home from Iraq, but why not from Syria, too?

US to bring troops home from Iraq, but why not from Syria, too?

Time to let the neighborhood keep ISIS in check and region in balance

Analysis | Middle East

Despite the claims of Vice President Kamala Harris that there are no U.S. troops in active combat zones today, many remain deployed abroad in dangerous and unsustainable positions across the world. This includes both Iraq and Syria.

The United States and Iraq, however, have apparently reached a deal to begin the removal of 2,500 U.S. forces still stationed in that country. Staged over the course of 2025 and to conclude in 2026, the plan would, if successful, put an end to the U.S. military presence in a nation where many of the internal problems have a direct relationship to the invasion of 2003.

Next door to Iraq is Syria, a country whose own brutal and long-running civil war has also seen over a decade of U.S. intervention, from the ill-conceived Operation Timber Sycamore, the largest known C.I.A. arm and equip program in history, to direct U.S. occupation via bases of significant parts of the east of the country. Meanwhile, a long coordinated regime change campaign targeting President Bashir al-Assad failed after exacerbating the situation on the ground.

Operation Timber Sycamore was later exposed as having helped a rebel movement that was disproportionately Islamist and often linked to informal or even explicit alliances with al-Qaida affiliates. The goals of these movements often included the imposition of a theocratic government and the forced conversion or even extermination of sectarian minority groups. Barely more than a decade after 9/11, the U.S. was undermining its own self-proclaimed "War on Terror" in order to conduct regime change.

Out of this chaotic mess would come the rise of ISIS, something unlikely to have gotten so much traction without all the non-state actors that grew up in the wake of both Iraq and Syrian wars.

But while the U.S. played a supporting role, it was actually a complex patchwork of local forces and Iranian-backed militias that did the majority of the anti-ISIS fighting in the last decade. The U.S. strongly supported the Kurds while opposing to the Syrian government which was also fighting ISIS at the time. Meanwhile, in Iraq, the U.S. worked with Iranian-supported militias against ISIS only to then fear their influence.

It is, so the U.S. government says, to prevent the resurgence of this terror network that U.S. bases have remained in Syria and Iraq. There are reportedly 900 U.S. troops still in Syria today. They are also serving as a counter to the very Iranian influence which keeps ISIS at bay. A hornet’s nest of regional actors swarm about these remote bases, and so the purpose and sustainability of the deployments grow ever more questionable.

The problem with being a counter in a slice of territory surrounded by governments friendly to Iran is that these small forces are effectively tripwires. They are attacked frequently, resulting in American casualties continuing through this summer, but do not exist in numbers great enough to meaningfully change the balance of power with local actors.

Both of the Iraqi and Syrian governments — who, despite their issues, remain the most powerful forces in their respective countries — are friendly with Iran. As the Gaza War further inflames tensions, including Israeli airstrikes on Syria proper, the risks only increase. Sanctions, meanwhile, have done immense damage to Syria’s economy but failed to undermine the government or achieve any opportunities for U.S. diplomacy.

There is no excuse for risking the lives of American servicemen in what is increasingly a series of failed interventions passed from one generation to another. If Iran is to be contained it will be by other more local countries containing it, not a smattering of vulnerable and isolated American bases. These bases, frankly, could only be made relevant with a massive infusion of reinforcements that the American public is unlikely to ever support, considering the rapidly souring mood towards interventions abroad.

Furthermore, with the welcome news of U.S. forces pulling out of Iraq, the only land access to the bases in Syria will be via Jordan. This could leave their supply lines even more under threat than they are now. It thus makes perfect sense that if Iraq is to be evacuated by U.S. forces, Syria should be as well.

Knowing all of this, it is time to bring the U.S. intervention in Syria to a close in tandem with the intervention in Iraq.


Virginia National Guard Soldiers assigned to the Norfolk-based 1st Battalion, 111th Field Artillery Regiment, 116th Infantry Brigade Combat Team reunite with loved ones and fellow Soldiers Dec. 3, 2022, in Richmond, Virginia, after serving on federal active duty in Iraq since March 2022. (U.S. Army National Guard photo by Terra C. Gatti)

Analysis | Middle East
Steve Witkoff Donald Trump Israel
Top photo credit: President Donald Trump walks out with Steve Witkoff after taking part in bilateral meetings at the United Nations Headquarters in New York City, Tuesday, September 23, 2025. (Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok)

Gaza plan: Looks Like peace, acts like occupation

Middle East

In Deir al-Balah, a mother told me her son now counts the seconds between blasts. Policy, to her, isn’t a debate; it’s whether trucks arrive and the night is quiet. Donald Trump’s 20-point plan promises ceasefire, hostages home, Israeli withdrawal, and reconstruction. It sounds complete. It isn’t.

Without enforceable mechanics, maps, timelines, phased verification, and real local ownership; it risks being a short-lived show, not a durable peace.

keep readingShow less
Van Jones
Top image credit: screen grab via https://www.youtube.com/@RealTime

Van Jones found out: Gaza dead baby jokes aren't funny

Media

On Friday, Van Jones joked about kids dying in Gaza.

“If you open your phone, and all you see is dead Gaza baby, dead Gaza baby, dead Gaza baby, Diddy,” Jones said on Bill Maher’s ‘Real Time’ HBO program.

keep readingShow less
Xi Jinping Donald Trump Vladimir Putin
Top image credit: Frederic Legrand - COMEO, Joey Sussman, miss.cabul via shutterstock.com

Why Trump won't get Afghanistan's Bagram base back

Middle East

In a September 20 Truth Social post, President Trump threatened the Taliban, declaring, “If Afghanistan doesn’t give Bagram Airbase back… BAD THINGS ARE GOING TO HAPPEN!!” He now wants the military base he once negotiated away as part of the U.S. withdrawal agreement his first administration signed in 2019.

Not unexpectedly, the Taliban quickly refused, noting “under the Doha Agreement, the United States pledged that ‘it will not use or threaten force against the territorial integrity or political independence of Afghanistan, nor interfere in its internal affairs.’” And with China now deeply entrenched in post-war Afghanistan, it’s likely Beijing will ensure that the threat remains little more than another off-the-cuff comment that should not be taken literally nor seriously.

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.