Follow us on social

Donald Trump Mohammed bin Salman

Did Trump just crown Saudi with leadership of Gaza ‘day after’ plan?

His threats — bluff? — to clear out the Palestinian territory may have spurred the only realistic reconstruction plan in the offing

Analysis | Middle East

A month into the fragile ceasefire, Gazans are experiencing a brief respite from violence and the continuing release of Israeli hostages and imprisoned Palestinians. But debate over the future of Gaza reflects the agendas of states with a stake in the ongoing crisis — rather than the grim day-to-day reality Gazans face on the ground.

Once the ceasefire got underway, Gaza faded from the headlines — until Trump reignited the debate when he declared that the U.S. would occupy Gaza, relocate its residents, and transform it into a “Riviera of the Middle East.”

“We’re going to take it,” he proclaimed just last week. “We’re going to hold it.”

This is an outcome not even the Israeli government believed it could achieve. Although early in the war, it had broached the idea that Egypt and Jordan could accept some Gazan refugees, the government headed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had settled on a policy of internal displacement for the Palestinians, moving large sectors of the population within the enclave to facilitate the IDF’s mapping and destruction of tunnels and to carry out attacks on remaining Hamas fighters.

Trump cut to the chase. If Hamas is going to be eliminated from Gaza, everyone has to go. No more whack-a-mole. Trump’s remarks handed Netanyahu a convenient “day-after” plan, something missing from his bomb-first, plan-later approach to Gaza. Trump’s framing of his pitch – that wholesale transfer was the only feasible way to relieve Palestinian suffering – was deceptively cunning.

To those repulsed by the prospect of adding to the Palestinian diaspora, the real damage of Trump’s gambits is not that it will become reality but rather that it has diverted attention from efforts to develop a genuine post-war strategy. Or has it?

Perhaps, as Prof. Gregory Gause recently argued, Trump’s threat serves a different purpose. By proposing to expel Palestinians from Gaza, Trump is making an intentionally provocative move to pressure Gulf Arab states — especially Saudi Arabia — into funding Gaza’s reconstruction and normalizing ties with Israel. According to Gause, such a gambit mirrors Netanyahu’s 2020 threat to annex parts of the West Bank. This ultimately led to the UAE normalizing relations with Israel partly in exchange for pausing the annexation plan.

Whether this is truly Trump’s strategy matters less than the fact that rebuilding Gaza — and starting soon — is essential for any meaningful negotiations or a sustainable end to the conflict, let alone a comprehensive peace agreement. More fundamentally, it is essential to averting a humanitarian catastrophe and the multigenerational degradation of Palestinian society.

While many Gazans are critical of Hamas as corrupt or ineffective, they have largely supported armed struggle against Israel and embraced the genuine belief that Palestine will eventually emerge victorious. The wholesale destruction of Gaza risks strengthening this maximalist mentality among Gazans, who may now feel they have little left to lose.

Allowing Gaza to fester in its present squalor and destruction would be a grave mistake, although, for Israel, this is probably not an issue. It can keep Gazans from penetrating its territory directly from the enclave and maintain tight control over ports of entry. Hamas might reconstitute to some extent, but God help the leader who sticks his head above the parapet.

Furthermore, many Israelis likely also share the Gazan view that there is little left to lose, and armed confrontation is the sole pathway to eventual victory.

But if you rule an Arab state in Gaza’s proximity, you must expect that some Gazans, radicalized by the recent war and eager for revenge, will escape the cauldron to safety in your cities. Egypt faced this challenge for nearly 20 years, losing a president to assassination in the process. Jordan suffered from it in 1970-1971, and Lebanon, in turn, from the mid-1970s onward. It was the Saudis’ turn in the early 2000s, following America’s on 9/11. Rebuilding Gaza, therefore, is an essential investment in the political and social stability of neighboring states.

The Saudis are particularly vulnerable because the Crown Prince’s 2030 plan – an ambitious thrust by the Kingdom toward global integration and regional leadership – hinges on a stable security environment. And his political survival presumably hinges on maintaining civil order in his own country.

However, the Saudi stake is also potentially positive. Intervening constructively to stave off a cataclysm in Gaza would underscore Mohammed bin Salman’s claim to a leadership role at home and abroad. The Arab Summit slated for March 4, which has already prompted Egypt to put forward its own reconstruction proposal, would provide the ideal venue to make good on this claim.

While the Saudis would have to walk back or discreetly veil their demand that normalization with Israel and participation in the reconstruction of Gaza would require Israel’s commitment to a political horizon for Palestinians, the Israelis would have to finalize a ceasefire agreement. No one, including Saudi Arabia, is going to embark on reconstruction while Israeli combat operations are ongoing. A bold Saudi offer to begin work would, therefore, challenge Israel to declare an end to the fighting.

In responding to a question about the UAE’s reaction to Trump’s Gaza plan, the Emirates’ ambassador to the U.S., Yousef Otaiba, noted that it was “difficult,” adding that he did not know where things would land. A widely-shared clip that was edited made it appear that Otaiba endorsed Trump’s Gaza plan as the only option, but in the original footage, it is clear that he was referring to Trump’s broader Middle East plan which remains unclear.

Since his remarks, UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, according to the country’s national news agency, told Secretary of State Marco Rubio that Abu Dhabi “reject[s] any attempts to displace the Palestinian people from their land.”

Nevertheless, where were other more appetizing proposals?

There are none because the Israelis have, from the outset, rejected a role in reconstructing Gaza; the Saudis have hidden behind the demand that, at a minimum, Israel take tangible steps toward Palestinian statehood, an outcome that the Israeli government emphatically rejects. Moreover, the Palestinian Authority lacks the capacity and resources to act. Under Biden, the White House pressed for a day-after plan, but the Israelis, flexing their muscle within the American body politic, found they could disregard the request with impunity.

Thus, at this juncture, the Saudis are the only potentially effective player capable and, in theory, incentivized to act.

We have no way of knowing whether the Trump administration has systematically engaged the Crown Prince on its hypothetical threat — or should we say bluff? — to dump millions of impoverished Palestinians into fragile neighboring states if the Kingdom fails to step up to the plate and start to rebuild Gaza. And, moreover, sign a treaty with Israel. What is known is that the hour is late, and the task is great.


Top Photo: President Donald Trump speaks with Mohammed bin Salman, Deputy Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, during their meeting Tuesday, March 14, 2017, in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, D.C. (Official White House Photo by Shealah Craighead)
Analysis | Middle East
Daniel Noboa, Xi Jinping
Top photo credit: Beijing, China.- In the photos, Chinese President Xi Jinping (right) and his Ecuadorian counterpart, Daniel Noboa (left), during a meeting in the Great Hall of the People, the venue for the main protocol events of the Chinese government on June 26, 2025 (Isaac Castillo/Pool / Latin America News Agency via Reuters Connect)

Why Ecuador went straight to China for relief

Latin America

Marco Rubio is visiting Mexico and Ecuador this week, his third visit as Secretary of State to Latin America.

While his sojourn in Mexico is likely to grab the most headlines given all the attention the Trump administration has devoted to immigration and Mexican drug cartels, the one to Ecuador is primarily designed to “counter malign extra continental actors,” according to a State Department press release.The reference appears to be China, an increasingly important trading and investment partner for Ecuador.

keep readingShow less
US Capitol
Top image credit: Lucky-photographer via shutterstock.com

Why does peace cost a trillion dollars?

Washington Politics

As Congress returns from its summer recess, Washington’s attention is turning towards a possible government shutdown.

While much of the focus will be on a showdown between Senate Democrats and Donald Trump, a subplot is brewing as the House and Senate, led by Republicans but supported by far too many Democrats, fight over how big the Pentagon’s budget should be. The House voted to give Trump his requested trillion dollar budget, while the Senate is demanding $22 billion more.

keep readingShow less
Yemen Ahmed al-Rahawi
Top image credit: Funeral in Sana a for senior Houthi officials killed in Israeli strikes Honor guard hold up a portraits of Houthi government s the Prime Minister Ahmed al-Rahawi and other officials killed in Israeli airstrikes on Thursday, during a funeral ceremony at the Shaab Mosque in Sanaa, Yemen, 01 September 2025. IMAGO/ via REUTERS

Israel playing with fire in Yemen

Middle East

“The war has entered a new phase,” declared Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a senior official in Yemen’s Ansar Allah movement, after Israeli jets streaked across the Arabian Peninsula to kill the group’s prime minister and a swathe of his cabinet in Yemen’s capital, Sana’a.

The senior official from Ansar Allah, the movement commonly known as the Houthis, was not wrong. The strike, which Israel’s Defense Minister Israel Katz promised was “just the beginning,” signaled a fundamental shift in the cartography of a two-year war of attrition between the region’s most technologically advanced military and its most resilient guerrilla force.

The retaliation was swift, if militarily ineffective: missiles launched towards Israel disintegrated over Saudi Arabia. Internally, a paranoid crackdown ensued on perceived spies. Houthi security forces stormed the offices of the World Food Programme and UNICEF, detaining at least 11 U.N. personnel in a sweep immediately condemned by the U.N. Secretary General.

The catalyst for this confrontation was the war in Gaza, unleashed by Hamas’s October 7 attacks on Israel, which provided the Houthis with the ideological fuel and political opportunity to transform themselves. Seizing the mantle of Palestinian solidarity — a cause their leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, frames as a “sacrifice in the cause of God Almighty ” — they graduated from a menacing regional actor into a global disruptor, launching missiles toward Israel just weeks after Hamas’s attacks and holding one of the world’s most vital shipping lanes hostage.

The chessboard was dangerously rearranged in May, when the Trump administration, eager for an off-ramp from a costly and ineffective air campaign, brokered a surprise truce with the Houthis. Mediated by Oman, the deal was simple: the U.S. would stop bombing Houthi targets, and the Houthis would stop attacking American ships. President Trump, in his characteristic style, claimed the Houthis had “capitulated” while also praising their “bravery.”

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.