Follow us on social

Shutterstock_255304360-scaled

Underfunded diplomacy is feature (not a bug) of US foreign policy

As long as there are no costs for opposing negotiations with adversaries, the military will remain the primary American tool abroad.

Analysis | Global Crises

The United States is suffering from a diplomacy deficit after decades of underfunding and neglect of one of the most essential tools of statecraft.

Washington has struggled to advance its interests through diplomatic engagement for many reasons, but the main causes have been insufficient resources, lack of political will, and an ingrained hostility in our political culture to negotiated compromises.

This neglect of diplomacy not only leaves the United States at a disadvantage in many parts of the world, but it also conditions policymakers to dismiss diplomatic options and fall back on coercive measures in the form of ineffective sanctions and unnecessary military action. In practice, our government doesn’t place much value in diplomacy and as a result it doesn’t devote many resources to it, which leaves the United States weaker, less well-informed, and ultimately less secure than it should be.

Every administration pays lip service to the importance of diplomacy as a means of securing American interests, but most of them are reluctant to take political risks for the sake of diplomatic success and all of them have failed to provide the funding that U.S. diplomats need to build stronger ties with other states. Then when diplomatic institutions lack sufficient capacity to address a given problem because they have been deprived of resources, policymakers turn to the military and come to rely on militarized “solutions” to the detriment of the affected countries and the military itself.

Elizabeth Shackelford witnessed this firsthand during her time in the Foreign Service and described it in her book, “The Dissent Channel.” “The cycle only reinforces itself,” she wrote. “As our civilian foreign affairs agencies became less and less able to meet growing demands due to diminishing resources, the White House and Congress increasingly look to the military to do more. When troops are all you have to spare, that’s who you send.”

U.S. diplomacy is further impaired by political dysfunction that prevents the full and timely staffing of American embassies around the world. Almost two years into Biden’s term, dozens of ambassadorial posts remain vacant because of stalled nominations in the Senate, and some posts are still waiting for Biden to choose a nominee. The delays in processing nominations usually have nothing to do with the qualifications of the nominees, and these delaying tactics have become an increasingly common way for obstructionists to hamstring the administration out of partisan or ideological spite.

There is little or no price to be paid in Washington for interfering with the practice of diplomacy. In some cases, politicians have strong incentives to grandstand and try to sabotage ongoing negotiations. Hawkish congressional opponents of the nuclear deal with Iran have repeatedly sought to undermine talks under both the Obama and Biden administrations, and their attempts at interference cost them nothing and allow them to portray themselves to their voters as rejecting “appeasement.”

The bias in favor of “action” and performative “toughness” in our foreign policy debates also encourages political actors to devalue diplomacy and to belittle diplomats as appeasers. Engagement with adversaries is routinely derided in Washington as useless or harmful, and advocates of that engagement are frequently vilified with baseless accusations of working in the interests of adversaries. The ongoing propaganda campaign conducted by hardliners to try to force out the administration’s special envoy for Iran, Rob Malley, is just one example of the toxic political atmosphere in which U.S. diplomats have to operate.

Journalist Nahal Toosi recently reported on the deleterious effects of this diplomacy deficit in a long article for Politico. The story frames the problem mainly in terms of competition with China, but this was a serious weakness in U.S. foreign policy long before Washington became preoccupied with “great power competition.” During the so-called unipolar moment, Washington invested relatively little in non-military aspects of its foreign policy, and then during the “war on terror” the domination of our foreign policy by the Pentagon became even worse. Having frittered away the last 30 years on a heavy-handed and increasingly militarized approach to the world, the United States is waking up to the costs of letting its diplomatic muscles atrophy.

The current fixation on rivalry with China is already becoming an impediment to successful diplomatic engagement with many smaller states because their governments are wary of being dragooned into a great power contest. The Biden administration said in its National Security Strategy, “we will avoid the temptation to see the world solely through the prism of strategic competition and will continue to engage countries on their own terms,” but we can see that the recent surge in efforts to cultivate better ties with Pacific and African states has been driven largely by fears of growing Chinese and Russian influence.

Other states can see that the United States is rushing to play catch up because of great power rivalry and not because it is interested in engaging with them “on their own terms.” That often makes them more suspicious of U.S. motives and less inclined to cooperate with an America that couldn’t be bothered to pay much attention to these countries earlier.

Policymakers and political leaders have become used to giving diplomacy short shrift out of habit, and because diplomatic engagement can often be slow and unglamorous there are relatively few members of Congress that actively champion it. It is more viscerally satisfying and politically rewarding for members of Congress and presidents to eschew negotiations and to make maximalist demands backed up by threats instead. To the extent that most policymakers value diplomacy at all, it is usually only in the form of coercive diplomacy through the imposition of broad sanctions.

When there is an effort at negotiations, it is usually paired with unrealistic, far-reaching demands that the other side will never accept. The Trump administration’s attempted engagement with North Korea was doomed before it began because it continued demanding the dismantling of North Korea’s nuclear weapons and missile programs when that was never going to happen. As a result, hardliners could claim that diplomacy had been “tried” and had been unsuccessful, but the reality was that the U.S. position made a negotiated agreement practically impossible.

This failing is not Trump’s alone, as his predecessors and his successor have all stuck with the same unrealistic goal. The Biden administration told us as much in the NSS: “We will seek sustained diplomacy with North Korea to make tangible progress toward the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula….” Until our government sets a more modest, achievable goal for its policy there will be no progress in negotiations.

Rejecting diplomatic engagement is self-defeating, since it deprives the United States of a valuable tool that might succeed where others have failed. Pursuing engagement but attaching hardline goals to it is not much better, since it leaves no room for constructive compromise. Neglecting engagement out of indifference or carelessness causes Washington to miss out on many opportunities that it could seize for the mutual benefit of our country and that of the other states. The United States should never be afraid to negotiate and refusing to do so will often leave the U.S. and its allies in a worse position than if they had made the effort to engage.


Editorial credit: Gil C / Shutterstock.com
Analysis | Global Crises
US Navy
Top image credit: 250717-N-CT713-2083 SOUTH CHINA SEA (July 17, 2025) Sailors conduct flight operations on the flight deck of the Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70). Vinson, the flagship of Carrier Strike Group ONE, is underway conducting routine operations in the U.S. 7th Fleet area of operations. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist Seaman Amber Rivette)

'First Among Equals': The case for a new realist internationalism

Global Crises

The unipolar moment is over, and the U.S. must adapt its foreign policy to an increasingly multipolar world. The old overly ambitious strategy of liberal hegemony is ill-suited to the new realities of the 21st century. Moreover, the U.S. is badly overstretched with too many commitments around the world, and it needs to chart a different course if it is to prosper in the decades to come.

To meet that need, Emma Ashford — a senior fellow at the Stimson Center — lays out the case for a new pragmatic grand strategy of realist internationalism in her valuable new book, “First Among Equals: U.S. Foreign Policy in a Multipolar World.

keep readingShow less
Israel’s foreign influence is the most unrelenting in US history
Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, R-La., right, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, arrive to address the media after a meeting in the U.S. Capitol on Friday, February 7, 2025. (Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Sipa USA)
First order of House business: Protect Israel’s Netanyahu?

Israel’s foreign influence is the most unrelenting in US history

Washington Politics

In his farewell address to the nation, George Washington included a special pleading:

"Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government."

keep readingShow less
Azov Ukraine
Top photo credit: Servicemen of the Azov battalion are attending a ceremony to remember the victims of the Olenivka camp explosion, in Kyiv, Ukraine, on July 28, 2024, (Photo by Maxym Marusenko/NurPhoto)

Far-right Azov quietly grew to tens of thousands in Ukraine military

Europe

Over the last several weeks, Russia’s 51st Combined Arms Army has achieved a penetration of the Ukrainian defenses northeast of Pokrovsk, seeking to isolate the Ukrainian forces defending the city.

To seal off the penetration, Ukrainian forces committed a large number of formations, spearheaded by the 1st “Azov” National Guard Corps.

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.