Follow us on social

51225279374_b8fcb35dfc_o

How Biden can jump start talks with North Korea

Offering limited sanctions relief now and abandoning denuclearization up front will be a good start.

Analysis | Asia-Pacific

It should not have come as a surprise that North Korea has rejected the recent U.S. offer to engage in talks “anytime, anywhere” on denuclearization. Pyongyang expressed no desire for “any meaningless contact with the U.S. … where they would lose precious time,” suggesting that the current U.S. position is insufficient for its security concerns to engage in negotiations.

President Biden’s proposed policy of using a calibrated, phased approach towards denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula to build on the 2018 Singapore Declaration, and the June 21 offer from Sung Kim, the special envoy to North Korea, to meet “anytime, anywhere without preconditions” are positive and stand a better chance of producing concrete results than demands that Pyongyang take steps toward denuclearization before talks commence. But the Biden administration’s actions and vague language are largely undercutting positive rhetoric in support of diplomacy.

If Biden is serious about trying to engage Pyongyang and rolling back its nuclear weapons program, he needs to find a way to signal more strongly that North Korea will benefit from that engagement.

The Biden administration should convey through more direct and stronger signals how the United States and North Korea can build on the 2018 Singapore Declaration in ways that benefit Pyongyang, like building a permanent peace on the peninsula and addressing North Korea’s dire economic situation.

For instance, Biden should make clear that partial sanctions relief for certain economic sectors will be on the table early in the negotiations in exchange for concrete actions from Pyongyang. Doing so can help set the right tone and direction of future diplomacy, improve the livelihood of the North Korean people, and be the first step in the longer road towards complete denuclearization.

Clearly signaling how North Korea will benefit from talks is particularly critical now. Recent actions by the Biden administration, like allowing South Korea free-rein with its ballistic missile program, pre-emptively undercut the U.S. policy to pursue negotiations with North Korea, which diminishes prospect of any talks.

Since North Korea is a security-seeking state, it perceives any increased capability of South Korea’s military, even if it is only perception, as a challenge to North Korea’s deterrence and regime. That’s why Pyongyang not only perceived this termination as antagonizing and a “stark reminder of the U.S. hostile policy,” but may also use it to disengage or increase its negotiating leverage later on.

North Korea has historically responded negatively to mixed signaling. Last March, Kim Yo Jong, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un’s younger sister, called South Korean President Moon Jae-in “illogical and brazen-faced” for lauding South Korea’s conventional forces advancement while calling for dialogue when North Korea conducted a missile test. It was not surprising that Pyongyang condemned the termination of the missile restrictions and used it to accuse the Biden administration of escalating tensions and engaging in “trickery.”

The end of the guidelines also has no clear benefits for South Korean efforts to counter North Korea.

Before the May 21 summit, Seoul was limited to developing ballistic missiles that had ranges under 800 kilometers with unlimited payload. Under these restrictions, South Korea could still target all of North Korea with its ballistic missile systems. Seoul and Washington revised the missile guidelines four times before the termination in response to Pyongyang’s missile advancements, military conflicts with North Korea, and advancing South Korea’s space program, among other factors.

As such, while eliminating the guidelines enjoyed political support in South Korea and it supports Seoul’s push for greater self-reliance in defense, it was not strategically timely or necessary for its security. South Korea also already has cruise missiles like Hyunmoo 3C with ranges of 1,500 km, so this termination only contributed to provoking Pyongyang which recently stated that it was “meant to spark off [an] arms race on the Korean peninsula and in its surrounding areas.”

At the current rate, Biden’s policy risks turning into President Obama’s “strategic patience” 2.0, whereby the United States continues to express support for diplomacy with North Korea but waits for Pyongyang to take the first concrete step toward talks. But North Korea’s nuclear program is like a malign tumor — waiting will only deepen the problem. During the Obama administration, Pyongyang had less than 10 nuclear weapons and limited ballistic missile capabilities. Today North Korea has a nuclear stockpile for approximately 40-50 nuclear weapons, has tested ballistic missiles capable of delivering a nuclear weapon to the United States, and outlined plans to develop new types of nuclear-capable missiles and smaller, tactical warheads.

The United States and its allies cannot afford to waste time. In order to advance his objective of denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula, Biden should promptly send a positive, diplomatic signal to Pyongyang privately or publicly about his willingness to discuss regional security concerns, sanctions relief, and the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. It could provide a more concrete picture of the Bidens campaign’s promised “alternative vision for a nonnuclear future to Kim,” where engagement between Pyongyang and Washington benefit both sides’ security.

Thus, while what it will take for Pyongyang to agree to negotiations is unclear, the Biden administration should signal that Washington is willing to place partial sanctions relief on the negotiating table early in the process. North Korea not only wanted this in the Trump-Kim negotiations, but Kim Jong Un himself also said earlier this year at the party congress that his country is facing an economic crisis.

Taking these steps can send a strong signal to Pyongyang about its seriousness in diplomacy, which was muddied by actions like the end of revised missile guidelines.


President Joe Biden participates in a press conference with South Korean President Moon Jae-in Friday, May 21, 2021, in the East Room of the White House. (Official White House Photo by Cameron Smith)
Analysis | Asia-Pacific
President Trump with reporters
Top photo credit: President Donald Trump speaks with members of the media at Joint Base Andrews, Maryland on Sunday, September 7, 2025. (Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok)

Is Israel forcing Trump to be the capitulator in chief?

Middle East

President Donald Trump told reporters outside a Washington restaurant Tuesday evening that he is deeply displeased with Israel’s bombardment of Qatar, a close U.S. partner in the Persian Gulf that, at Washington’s request, has hosted Hamas’s political leadership since 2012.

“I am not thrilled about it. I am not thrilled about the whole situation,” Trump said, denying that Israel had given him advance notice. “I was very unhappy about it, very unhappy about every aspect of it,” he continued. “We’ve got to get the hostages back. But I was very unhappy with the way that went down.”

keep readingShow less
Europe Ukraine
Top image credit: German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, French President Emmanuel Macron, Volodymyr Zelenskyi, President of Ukraine, Keir Starmer, Prime Minister of the UK, and Donald Tusk, Prime Minister of Poland, emerge from St. Mary's Palace for a press conference as part of the Coalition of the Willing meeting in Kiev, May 10 2025, Kay Nietfeld/dpa via Reuters Connect

Is Europe deliberately sabotaging Ukraine War negotiations?

Europe

After last week’s meeting of the “coalition of the willing” in Paris, 26 countries have supposedly agreed to contribute — in some fashion — to a military force that would be deployed on Ukrainian soil after hostilities have concluded.

Three weeks prior, at the Anchorage leaders’ summit press conference, Russian President Vladimir Putin noted that Ukraine’s security should be ensured as part of any negotiated settlement. But Russian officials have continued to reiterate that this cannot take the form of Western combat forces stationed in Ukraine. In the wake of last week’s meeting, Putin has upped the ante by declaring that any such troops would be legitimate targets for the Russian military.

keep readingShow less
After bombing, time to demystify the 'Qatar lobby'
Top photo credit: The Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Qatar, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani, is standing third from the left in the front row, alongside the Minister of Culture of Qatar, Abdulrahman bin Hamad bin Jassim bin Hamad Al Thani, who is at the center, and the Minister of Culture, Sports and Youth of Oman, Sayyid Theyazin bin Haitham Al Said, who is second from the right in Doha, Qatar, on May 9, 2024. (Photo by Noushad Thekkayil/NurPhoto)

After bombing, time to demystify the 'Qatar lobby'

Middle East

On Tuesday, Israel bombed Doha, killing at least five Hamas staffers and a member of Qatari security. Israeli officials initially claimed the US green-lit the operation, despite Qatar hosting the largest U.S. military in the region.

The White House has since contradicted that version of events, saying the White House was given notice “just before” the bombing and claiming the strike was an “unfortunate" attack that "could serve as an opportunity for peace.”

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.