Follow us on social

Trump-mbs-scaled

Biden slams the brakes on UAE, Saudi weapons gravy train — for now.

It may be temporary, but now's the time for critics to start throwing up road blocks while they have the chance.

Analysis | Military Industrial Complex

That screeching sound you might have heard Wednesday was the Biden administration slamming the brakes on the multibillion-dollar weapons gravy train that Saudi Arabia and the UAE have enjoyed for the last four years out of Washington.

According to the Wall Street Journal on Wednesday, President Biden is playing Jack Frost and putting the freeze on nearly two-dozen packages that the Trump administration approved and the Congress couldn’t stop. Those packages — which include the controversial sale of F-35s to the UAE in exchange for their agreement to normalize relations with Israel — are worth at least $31 billion. That would include the recent $23 billion UAE package, and the $8 billion worth of weapons for UAE and Saudi Arabia approved by Congress in late 2019 under an emergency declaration

The new administration confirmed it will be reviewing the deals. The Journal report suggests this is pro forma, and that the sales will likely go though anyway. But for critics of selling more weapons to the Kingdom and UAE, this is a welcome monkey wrench. It not only buys time for Congress to throw up more roadblocks, but signals that perhaps Biden is truly serious about ending U.S. assistance to the Saudi-led coalition, which has pummeled Yemen with American-made bombs for the last six years of its war, indiscriminately killing and wounding at least 17,500 civilians (as of early 2020), and sending the country into a tailspin of disease and famine. 

While the UAE claimed to withdraw its forces from Yemen at the end of 2019, according to the Quincy Institute’s Annelle Sheline, it continues to occupy key ports, airports, and infrastructure, while also funding separatist fights. “If the Biden administration is serious about addressing the factors driving violence in Yemen, the role of the UAE cannot be ignored,” she said.

The UAE appears to have the most to lose here, given the sweet deal they were getting for America’s premier stealth fighter, plus killer drones and other munitions. But they were on a roll, points out William Hartung at the Center for International Policy, who says the $23 billion package was the biggest deal arranged by Trump in his four years of office, rivaled only by a $23 billion shipbuilding offer to Japan.

And it wasn’t just the Trump administration — the UAE made some 39 deals with the United States since 2009, bringing the total of all its weapons sales, including the pending agreements, to $59 billion, according to Hartung’s new research paper.

Putting a stop to it permanently is what is at stake. “Selling more weapons to the Saudis and the Emiratis would further tangle the U.S. in their affairs,” says Sheline. “The current U.S. involvement in the devastating war on Yemen is the result of U.S. arms sales to Saudi Arabia.”

Hartung adds that the UAE has been intervening in the civil war in Libya, supplying weapons (in violation of  U.N. resolutions) to the forces of rebel militia leader Gen. Khalifa Haftar, and “carrying out air and drone strikes in support of his military campaigns in the country, which are contrary to the objectives of the U.S. policy of supporting the U.N.-recognized government (the GNA, or Government of National Accord).”

The major defense contractors behind these sales, in particular Lockheed and Raytheon, have enjoyed cozy and lucrative access to top officials in the White House and Pentagon over the last four years. Raytheon must have been sensing the cool breeze coming from the Biden administration, however, as it told shareholders that it was expecting it to block at least one of its deals — and it’s likely the 7500 Paveway bombs worth $500 million — to Saudi Arabia.

So the company is taking the deal off the books, said CEO Greg Hayes, in a quarterly earnings call on Tuesday.  “With the change in administration, it becomes less likely that we're going to be able to get a license for this. And so we appropriately decided that we could no longer support the booking of that contract.”

But buck up, said Hayes, business is still booming. “Look...peace is not going to break out in the Middle East anytime soon,” Hayes said. “I think it remains an area where we'll continue to see solid growth.”

As long as the U.S. government enables the flood of American weaponry, training, and security assurances into the region, Washington will not be able to extricate from the Middle East and let these Gulf States take on their own security, which should be the ultimate goal. Nor will these despotic regimes have to pay for their chronic human rights abuses and repression. These deals are in a sense, rewards.

“The weapons we sold to Saudi Arabia and UAE have been used to kill schoolchildren, transferred to extremist militias, and fueled a dangerous arms race in the Middle East," tweeted Democratic Sen. Chris Murphy, who was part of a bipartisan effort last year that included Republican Sen. Rand Paul to quash the UAE deal. "This is the right move. The time is now to reset our relationships with Gulf allies."

U.S. President Donald Trump holds a chart of military hardware sales as he welcomes Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in the Oval Office at the White House in Washington, U.S., March 20, 2018. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst
Analysis | Military Industrial Complex
||
Diplomacy Watch: A peace summit without Russia
Diplomacy Watch: Ukraine risks losing the war — and the peace

Diplomacy Watch: How close were Russia and Ukraine to a deal in 2022?

QiOSK

The RAND corporation’s Samuel Charap and Johns Hopkins University professor Sergey Radchenko published a detailed timeline and analysis of the talks between Russian and Ukrainian negotiators just after the Russian invasion in February 2022 that could have brought the war to an end just weeks after it had begun.

Much of the piece confirms or elucidates parts of the narrative that had previously been reported. In the spring of 2022, the two sides appeared relatively close to a deal, one that, according to the authors, would “have ended the war and provided Ukraine with multilateral security guarantees, paving the way to its permanent neutrality and, down the road, its membership in the EU.”

keep readingShow less
Blinken ignores State recommendation to sanction Israeli units: Report
L-R: U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu shake hands after their meeting at the Prime Minister's Office in Jerusalem, on Monday, January 30, 2023. DEBBIE HILL/Pool via REUTERS

Blinken ignores State recommendation to sanction Israeli units: Report

QiOSK

State Department leadership is ignoring a recommendation from an internal panel to stop giving weapons to several Israeli military and police units due to credible allegations of serious human rights abuses, according to a major new report from ProPublica.

The alleged violations, which occurred before the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks, include extrajudicial killings, sexual assault of a detainee, and leaving an elderly Palestinian man to die after handcuffing and gagging him. Secretary of State Antony Blinken received the recommendation in December but has yet to take action to prevent the units involved from receiving American weapons.

keep readingShow less
Europe's hopelessly murky, mixed messaging on restraint

Ursula von der Leyen (CDU, l), President of the European Commission, stands at the lectern in the European Parliament building. Josep Borrell, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, sits in the background. The EU Parliament is debating the attack on Israel and preparations for the EU summit at the end of October. REUTERS

Europe's hopelessly murky, mixed messaging on restraint

Europe

The EU has condemned Iran’s April 14 drone and missile attack against Israel conducted in response to Israel’s lethal bombing of the Iranian consulate in Damascus, Syria on April 1. However, while the condemnation is unanimous, EU officials and individual member states have different positions on the issue.

Those differences broadly reflect the pre-existing divisions on the Middle East since the war in Gaza started last October. Even though the EU is united in its calls for restraint and de-escalation, these divisions are limiting the diplomatic role Europe could play in actually bringing those objectives closer to reality.

keep readingShow less

Israel-Gaza Crisis

Latest