Follow us on social

AI Weapons

DoD promised a 'swarm' of attack drones. We're still waiting.

In its quest for AI dominance, the military may have bitten off more than it can chew

Reporting | Military Industrial Complex

Defense officials consistently tout the Replicator initiative — an ambitious effort to “swarm” thousands of attritable, inexpensive drones at a break-neck pace to counter China — as a great success.

DoD Secretary Pete Hegseth testified in June that the initiative had “made enormous strides towards delivering and fielding multiple thousands of unmanned systems across multiple domains,” with “thousands more planned” through the FY 2026 defense budget. A defense official told DefenseScoop in late August the Pentagon was ensuring a “successful transition” or Replicator capabilities to end-state users. And last August, then Deputy Defense Secretary Kathleen Hicks, who kicked off the initiative in 2023, boasted it was on track for its production goals.

Despite officials' assertions, the Congressional Research Service points out that only “hundreds” rather than “thousands” of these systems materialized by the August 2025 target date. Not only that but critical technical issues procuring the systems persist, and associated costs remain unclear.

Is Replicator flopping?

Replicator’s goal for its first phase was to field thousands of autonomous systems by summer 2025 was a massive undertaking, considering AI’s relatively novel, and controversial, use in military contexts. A second part, Replicator two, which focuses on counter-drone defense, was announced last fall and is underway.

WSJ reporting on the first phase found that persistent technical issues, including systems’ glitches and problems integrating Replicator systems with existing command structures, were slowing down the initiative’s progress, where some systems were “unreliable, or were so expensive or slow to be manufactured they couldn’t be bought in the quantity needed.” It also suffered from a lack of vetting up-front, where some systems were “unfinished or existed only as a concept” when selected for Replicator. Critically, the Pentagon struggled to procure software able to command, and attack with, large numbers of different drones — a capability fundamental to Replicator’s success.

In fact, these challenges have led to the Pentagon’s Defense Innovation Unit (DIUx), which has been overseeing the initiative, to hand Replicator’s reins over to DAWG, Defense Autonomous Warfare Group, a new organization part of United States Special Operations Command (SOCOM), which is supposed to carry out the initiative’s goals within two years.

As William Hartung, a Senior Research Fellow at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft told RS, the Replicator initiative’s apparent delays are “totally predictable.”

“When [Replicator] was announced, the Pentagon said that it would make progress in major areas within 18 months, something that had not occurred in the history of Pentagon weapons development,” Hartung said. “The real question is not how quickly certain capabilities can be announced, it is how new technologies can be adequately tested before buying them in bulk, and what strategy they will be deployed in service of.”

Meanwhile, Replicator has been marketed as an inexpensive alternative. But the Congressional Research Service (CRS) finds little information is publicly available about its costs, making it difficult for lawmakers and analysts to assess its cost-effectiveness.

Namely, the DoD requested one billion dollars over FY 2024 and 2025 for Replicator. But anticipated costs are complicated by the initiative not having its own budget line — to this end, the DoD submitted a $300 million reprogramming request for the initiative for FY2023, sparking concerns funds for it could be pulled for it from other existing programming.

Meanwhile, many of the systems Replicator has fielding are not exactly cheap. The Switchblade 600 kamikaze drone the initiative pursues, for example, is estimated to cost well over $100,000 per unit; Ukrainian drones procured for the same purpose, meanwhile, can cost as little as $300 each.

Despite the initiative’s financial uncertainties, some lawmakers have called for Replicator to receive billions more in funding.

Can defense tech walk the walk?

The Replicator’s tech-centric flounderings are not isolated, but follow a slate of critical defense-tech mishaps.

Over the summer, an Army memo found an Army communications system modernization effort led by Anduril, Palantir and others to be rife with “fundamental” security issues, calling it “very high risk.” It read: "We cannot control who sees what, we cannot see what users are doing, and we cannot verify that the software itself is secure.”

American drone tests, meanwhile, have met with repeated failures. A test off the California coast this summer resulted in a collision between autonomous drone boats, sparked by a software glitch. As a result, the DIUx paused a nearly $20 million contract with defense contractor L3Harris, a prominent autonomous software provider — which is also contracted to bring similar capacities to Replicator. And drone prototypes frequently failed to launch, missed targets, and even crashed during drone exercises in Alaska the same month.

Zooming out, newer defense tech power-hitters, like Anduril and Palantir have had success in recent years challenging defense primes’ dominance in the weapons industry, in part because they successfully marketed themselves as leaner, faster and more technologically savvy than traditional defense contractors. Companies like these have played a central role in Replicator, which sought out to recruit these Silicon Valley types in pursuit of a faster procurement process — indeed, 75% of Replicator’s participants are non-traditional defense tech companies.

But these recent developments suggest defense tech start-ups’ sales pitches deserve more scrutiny before the DoD commits to them, through initiatives like Replicator.

As Hartung concluded: “war and the prevention of war do not primarily hinge on technologies.”


Top photo credit: Shutterstock AI Generator
What happens if the robot army is defeated?
Reporting | Military Industrial Complex
iran, china, russia
Top photo credit: Top image credit: Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov and and Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi shake hands as Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Ma Zhaoxu looks on during their meet with reporters after their meeting at Diaoyutai State Guest House on March 14, 2025 in Beijing, China. Lintao Zhang/Pool via REUTERS

'Annulled'! Russia won't abide snapback sanctions on Iran

Middle East

“A raider attack on the U.N. Security Council.” This was the explosive accusation leveled by Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov this week. His target was the U.N. Secretariat and Western powers, whom he blamed for what Russia sees as an illegitimate attempt to restore the nuclear-related international sanctions on Iran.

Beyond the fiery rhetoric, Ryabkov’s statement contained a message: Russia, he said, now considers all pre-2015 U.N. sanctions on Iran, snapped back by the European signatories of the 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA) — the United Kingdom, France, Germany — “annulled.” Moscow will deepen its military-technical cooperation with Tehran accordingly, according to Ryabkov.

This is more than a diplomatic spat; it is the formal announcement of a split in international legal reality. The world’s major powers are now operating under two irreconcilable interpretations of international law. On one side, the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany assert that the sanctions snapback mechanism of the JCPOA was legitimately triggered for Iran’s alleged violations. On the other, Iran, Russia, and China reject this as an illegitimate procedural act.

This schism was not inevitable, and its origin reveals a profound incongruence. The Western powers that most frequently appeal to the sanctity of the "rules-based international order" and international law have, in this instance, taken an action whose effects fundamentally undermine it. By pushing through a legal maneuver that a significant part of the Security Council considers illegitimate, they have ushered the world into a new and more dangerous state. The predictable, if imperfect, framework of universally recognized Security Council decisions is being replaced by a system where legal facts are determined by political interests espoused by competing power blocs.

This rupture followed a deliberate Western choice to reject compromises in a stand-off with Iran. While Iran was in a technical violation of the provisions of the JCPOA — by, notably, amassing a stockpile of highly enriched uranium (up to 60% as opposed to the 3.67% for a civilian use permissible under the JCPOA), there was a chance to avert the crisis. In the critical weeks leading to the snapback, Iran had signaled concessions in talks with the International Atomic Energy Agency in Cairo, in terms of renewing cooperation with the U.N. nuclear watchdog’s inspectors.

keep readingShow less
On Ukraine and Venezuela, Trump needs to dump the sycophants
Top Photo Credit: (Official White House Photo by Molly Riley)

On Ukraine and Venezuela, Trump needs to dump the sycophants

Europe

While diplomats labored to produce the Dayton Accords in 1995, then-Secretary of Defense Bill Perry advised, “No agreement is better than a bad agreement.” Given that Washington’s allies in London, Paris, Berlin and Warsaw are opposed to any outcome that might end the war in Ukraine, no agreement may be preferable. But for President Trump, there is no point in equating the illusion of peace in Ukraine with a meaningless ceasefire that settles nothing.

Today, Ukraine is mired in corruption, starting at the very highest levels of the administration in Kyiv. Sending $175 billion of borrowed money there "for however long it takes" has turned out to be worse than reckless. The U.S. national sovereign debt is surging to nearly $38 trillion and rising by $425 billion with each passing month. President Trump needs to turn his attention away from funding Joe Biden’s wars and instead focus on the faltering American economy.

keep readingShow less
POGO The Bunker
Top image credit: Project on Government Oversight

Top admiral resigns amid Venezuela ops: Who’s got the scoop?

Washington Politics

The Bunker appears originally at the Project on Government Oversight and is republished here with permission.

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.