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Germany's historic vote to amend constitution for defense hike

Germany's historic vote to amend constitution for defense hike

This move could reshape European security

Reporting | QiOSK
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Germany’s Bundestag has voted to pass a constitutional amendment that would authorize increases in defense, infrastructure, and some foreign aid spending, financed through increased borrowing.

"The decision we are taking today... can be nothing less than the first major step towards a new European defense community,” said likely incoming chancellor Friedrich Merz. EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen commented that the vote “sends a very clear message to Europe that Germany is determined to invest massively in defense."

The vote comes amid pressure from the European Community (and the Trump administration) to increase its overall defense spending and begin to wean off military dependency on Washington. Over the last several weeks, Merz and France’s Emmanuel Macron have issued a clarion call regarding this and concerning Ukraine, where they have also pledged assistance in a new “coalition of the willing.”

Debt-averse Germany has had strict limits, currently only allowing for borrowing equal to .35% of its GDP. This new amendment cleared the two-thirds vote required in the Bundestag and would exempt any defense spending or foreign aid for countries “attacked in violation of international law” from borrowing restrictions.

In addition to loosening borrowing limits for defense spending and foreign aid, €500 billion will be earmarked for infrastructure borrowing, as stipulated by the Greens, whose votes were needed for the two-thirds majority.

"This historic breach of Germany's accustomed dread of incurring public debt is risky in terms of domestic politics," said university lecturer and research scholar Molly O'Neal, who is also a non-resident fellow at the Quincy Institute. "It was rushed through the outgoing parliament in order to frustrate the strong opposition of the AfD on the right and Die Linke on the left. These parties together will have a blocking minority in the new parliament. Viewed objectively and without panic, the relaxing of the debt brake allows Germany to meet the expectations of the U.S. and NATO on defense spending. The Germans are not likely to deploy peacekeepers in post-conflict Ukraine without a U.S. backstop guarantee."

The amendment is set for a vote in Germany’s second chamber, the Bundesrat, on Friday. At first, the outcome seemed uncertain as some regional governments voiced opposition to raising the debt limit. However, the head of Bavaria’s State Chancellery announced today that Bavaria’s six members in the Bundesrat would vote in favor of the amendment, ensuring that the measure will likely have enough votes to overcome the two-thirds majority requirement in that chamber.


Top Photo: A general view of the Parliament as German Bundestag President Baerbel Bas delivers words of commemoration on the occasion of the one-year anniversary of Hamas' October 7 attack, ahead of a session of the lower house of parliament Bundestag, in Berlin, Germany, October 10, 2024. REUTERS/Lisi Niesner
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Reporting | QiOSK
Dan Caine
Top photo credit: Secretary of War Pete Hegseth and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff U.S. Air Force Gen. Dan Caine conduct a press briefing on Operation Epic Fury at the Pentagon, Washington, D.C., March 4, 2026. (DoW photo by U.S. Navy Petty Officer 1st Class Alexander Kubitza)

Did Caine just announce the Morgenthau option for Iran?

QiOSK

Gen. Dan Caine’s formulation of American war aims in Iran is remarkable not because it is bellicose, but because it is strategically incoherent.

In a press conference Tuesday morning, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff did not describe a limited campaign to suppress missile fire, blunt Iran’s naval threat, or even impose a severe but bounded setback on Tehran’s coercive instruments. He described a campaign against Iran’s “military and industrial base” designed to prevent the regime from attacking Americans, U.S. interests, and regional partners “for years to come.” In an earlier briefing he put the objective similarly: to prevent Iran from projecting power outside its borders. Rather than the language of a discrete coercive operation, this describes a war against a state’s capacity to regenerate power.

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UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan receives Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman at the Presidential Airport in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates November 27, 2019. WAM/Handout via REUTERS

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QiOSK

On Sunday, U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Mike Waltz told ABC News that Arab Gulf states may soon step up their involvement in the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran. “I expect that you'll see additional diplomatic and possibly military action from them in the coming days and weeks,” Waltz said.

Then, on Monday morning, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) slammed Saudi Arabia for staying out of the war even as “Americans are dying and the U.S. is spending billions” of dollars to conduct regime change in Iran. “If you are not willing to use your military now, when are you willing to use it?” Graham asked. “Hopefully this changes soon. If not, consequences will follow.”

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Top image credit: Iranian army military personnel stand at attention under a banner featuring an image of an Iranian-made unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) during a military parade commemorating the anniversary of Army Day outside the Shrine of Iran's late leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in the south of Tehran, Iran, on April 18, 2025. (Photo by Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto)

Why Tehran may have time on its side

QiOSK

A provocative calculus by Anusar Farrouqui (“policytensor”) has been circulating on X and in more exhaustive form on the author’s Substack. It purports to demonstrate a sobering reality: in a high-intensity U.S.-Iran conflict, the United States may be unable to suppress Iranian drone production quickly enough to prevent a strategically consequential period of regional devastation.

The argument is framed through a quantitative lens, carrying the seductive appeal of mathematical precision. It arranges variables—such as U.S. sortie rates and degradation efficiency against Iranian repair cycles and rebuild speeds—to suggest a "sustainable firing rate." The implication is that Iran could maintain a persistent strike capability long enough to exhaust American political patience, forcing Washington toward a premature declaration of success or an unfavorable ceasefire.

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