Today the US Navy lost a F/A-18 Super Hornet fighter jet — worth at least $67 million — when it fell off the USS Harry S. Truman aircraft carrier as it took a hard turn to avoid Houthi fire.
The USS Truman is stationed in the Red Sea as part of the U.S.’ ongoing anti-Houthi campaign, also known as Operation Rough Rider.
“The F/A-18E was actively under tow in the hangar bay when the move crew lost control of the aircraft. The aircraft and tow tractor were lost overboard,” a statement from the Navy read. “Sailors towing the aircraft took immediate action to move clear of the aircraft before it fell overboard. An investigation is underway.”
The Navy emphasized Monday that the Truman Carrier Strike Group, which has been targeted repeatedly by the Houthis, “remain[s] fully mission capable.”
To date, the U.S. has spent about $3 billion in its recent anti-Houthi campaign since it began in mid-March, hitting over 800 targets in Yemen, and killing hundreds of civilians, in the process. And now, the accidental loss of a fighter jet instantaneously adds tens of millions to that total.
The billions the U.S. has spent in this campaign have resulted in questionable outcomes. CENTCOM says its efforts have degraded Houthi fighting capacities; yet CNN reporting from last month suggested the campaign has only had limited results against them. Earlier this month the New York Times reported that in closed briefings, “Pentagon officials have acknowledged that there has been only limited success in destroying the Houthis’ vast, largely underground arsenal of missiles, drones and launchers.”
Critically, the U.S. says its anti-Houthi campaign is about ensuring ships can go through the Red Sea without getting attacked by them. But they’re hitting at a group with other objectives, namely, pressuring U.S. ally Israel to stop its onslaught against the Gaza strip. All the while, prospects of renewed civil war in Yemen — which the U.S. has said it could be open to participating in — have only grown.
Stavroula Pabst is a reporter for Responsible Statecraft.
Top image credit: An F/A-18C Hornet assigned to the Checkerboards of Marine Fighter Attack Squadron (VMFA) 312 launches from the aircraft carrier USS Harry S. Truman (CVN 75) in 2010. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist Seaman Apprentice Tyler Caswell)
Top photo credit: Druze stand on both sides of the border between Israel and Syria, amid the ongoing conflict in the Druze areas in Syria, in Majdal Shams, near the ceasefire line between the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights and Syria, July 16, 2025. REUTERS/Ayal Margolin ISRAEL OUT.
Israel framed the attack as a warning to protect Syria’s Druze minority and warned that further “painful blows” would follow unless Syrian troops and allied militias withdraw from the south. Why would Israel bomb an important government building in Damascus purportedly on behalf of the Druze?
The Druze, a religious minority that is ethnically Arab, number about one million worldwide, roughly 700,000 of which live in Syria’s Suwayda governorate. Some 150,000 Druze hold Israeli citizenship and serve in the IDF, while another 20,000 Druze in the Israeli‑occupied Golan largely retain Syrian identity.
Parts of these constituencies have pressed Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu to act but Israel has its own motivations, including the preservation of a Druze-dominated buffer zone in the south of Syria to insulate it from the new Syrian government which it views with great suspicion. Al-Sharaa’s government has adopted a congenial attitude towards Israel and expressed that it does not seek conflict. But the prevailing perspective in Israel is that al-Sharaa is attempting to consolidate power, and once he does, he may return to his jihadist roots.
This is one reason that immediately following the collapse of the Assad regime, Israel bombed much of Syria’s conventional military capacity. Another reason for the strike is that Israel likens itself as the protector of the Druze, both because there are Druze Israelis, and also because it supports Israel’s image as a multicultural society within a Jewish state.
A ceasefire announced late on July 15 collapsed within hours as artillery fire resumed. Druze cleric Sheikh Yousef Jarbou and Syria’s Interior Ministry announced a fresh truce midday on the 16th that allows government checkpoints to remain, although whether hard-line Druze factions will accept it remains unclear. The Druze faction led by Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri released a statement that reaffirmed the community’s right to self-defense.
Simultaneously, Israel is redeploying forces: a military spokesman said units now operating in Gaza are being shifted to the Golan frontier and additional battalions are on standby for “several days of fighting” along the Syrian border.
This escalation threatens Washington’s nascent normalization track with Syria’s interim president, and former jihadist Ahmed al‑Sharaa. President Trump publicly courted Sharaa in Riyadh in May, providing sanctions relief and a future place in the Abraham Accords, a plan now in doubt after Israel’s strike on Damascus.
U.S. Special Envoy for Syria and Ambassador to Türkiye Thomas Barrack has been meeting regularly with Ahmad al-Sharaa and urging Syria’s minority groups to accept the authority of the central government in Damascus. With Israel signaling more action, the risk of a broader Israel‑Syria confrontation is rising fast, however, Washington appears to be working toward de-escalation in the background.
The Trump administration clearly wants the new government in Damascus to succeed as evidenced by its removal of all sanctions and strong statements of support for Syrian unification under Damascus. The fact Washington’s closest partner in the Middle East is now bombing Syria is not conducive to Washington’s aims there and it is likely scrambling to ensure things don’t go from bad to worse. Whether this strike in Damascus will shake the al-Sharaa government into withdrawing from Suwayda remains to be seen.
I wrote a book about Lockheed Martin — the world’s largest arms-making conglomerate. But even I was surprised to learn that for a number of years now, they have also been involved in the fashion industry.
The revelation came in a recent New York Times piece on Kodak, which has had a minor resurgence, not by selling its own products, but by selling its name for use on a range of consumer products, produced by other firms, from luggage to eyewear to hoodies and t-shirts.
Deeper into the article it was mentioned in passing that Lockheed Martin had been doing the same. It linked to another article that noted that Lockheed Martin-branded cargo pants and hoodies have been a hit in South Korea since they were introduced a few years back. Brisk sales are continuing, with the Lockheed brand adorning streetwear with slogans like “Ensuring those we serve always stay ahead of ready.” One blue t-shirt dons the outline of an F-35 on the back, emblazoned with the motto “The F-35 strengthens national security, enhances global partnerships and powers economic growth.” It doesn’t exactly roll off the tongue, but at least it’s free advertising.
Not to be outdone, emerging tech firms are selling limited edition fashion lines of their own. Palantir recently dropped a line of hats and tees that quickly sold out. Eliano Younes, Head of Strategic Engagement for Palantir, has noted that when they re-launched the Palantir shop that “the site almost crashed within four minutes.” And Anduril has partnered with Reyn Spooner to launch a limited drop of Hawaiian shirts — a favorite uniform of company founder Palmer Luckey.
Not everyone welcomes the entry of weapons makers into the fashion world. A critic of Lockheed’s apparel line who goes by the name of Opal noted, “They stopped killing people for just a minute to help them kill those looks . . . The people who made these decisions are either so out of touch or like unbelievably acutely aware of what’s going on, and I can’t really tell the difference.”
As Opal fears, the marriage of fashion and weapons makers may be a sign of the times, as shoppers welcome the entrance of arms makers into the consumer sector rather than seeing their foray into fashion as an exercise in poor taste. This is probably because military firms and the weapons they produce are so deeply embedded in our culture that many people view the companies as purveyors of neat technology while ignoring the devastating consequences that occur when those weapons are actually used.
Lockheed Martin’s efforts at reputation laundering come at a moment when many arms industry leaders are vocally supporting — even applauding — armed violence. Prominent Silicon Valley military tech executives like Luckey and Palantir CEO Alex Karp, have no compunction about glorifying war while their companies are paid handsome sums to build the tools needed to carry it out. Luckey, the 32-year old head of the military tech firm Anduril, asserts that “Societies have always needed a warrior class that is enthused and excited by enacting violence in pursuit of good aims.” He didn’t discuss who gets to decide what “good aims” are, or why being “excited” about killing fellow human beings could ever be a good thing.
And Karp held his company’s board meeting in Israel at the height of the Gaza war to cheer on Israel’s campaign of mass slaughter. At the time of the meeting, the company’s Executive VP Josh Harris announced that “Both parties have mutually agreed to harness Palantir’s advanced technology in support of war-related missions. This strategic partnership aims to significantly aid the Israeli Ministry of Defense in addressing the current situation.”
These attitudes contrast with the efforts of old school arms company leaders like former Lockheed Martin CEO Norman Augustine, who was a master at burnishing the image of his company while downplaying its role as a primary producer of weapons at war.
Augustine led by personal example, working closely with the Boy Scouts and the Red Cross, championing science education, and speaking regularly of the need for corporate ethics, which he seemed to equate mostly with acts of charity by company employees, not with grappling with moral questions about how his company’s weapons were being used.
To a lesser degree, Augustine’s approach continues to this day. Company press releases describe Lockheed Martin as a firm that is “driving innovation and advancing scientific discovery.” The company’s image-building efforts include support for scholarships in STEM education, funding programs to build and upgrade facilities serving veterans, supporting food banks and disaster response programs, and more. There’s nothing wrong with helping fund a good cause, but it shouldn’t be allowed to obscure the company’s other activities.
The weapons produced by Lockheed Martin have fueled the war in Gaza, and they were integral to Saudi Arabia’s brutal war in Yemen, an effort that included bombing funerals, a school bus, hospitals, civilian markets and water treatment plants in Yemen, in a war that cost nearly 400,000 lives through the direct and indirect means, from indiscriminate bombing the the enforcement of a blockade the hindered imports of food and medical supplies.
On the rare occasions that arms industry executives are asked about the human impacts of their products, they usually say they are only doing what the government allows. They fail to mention that they spend large sums of money and effort trying to shape government policy, making it easier to rush weapons to foreign clients without adequate consideration of their possible uses in aggressive wars or systematic repression.
Given all of this, Lockheed Martin’s endorsement of a line of street clothing seems like a relatively harmless side show. But celebrating weapons makers, even with a nod and a wink, serves to normalize the U.S. role as the world’s premier arms producer while ignoring the consequences of that status.
America needs to be able to defend itself and its allies, but celebrating war and preparations for war is not the way to do it. We need more reflection and less celebration. And we need to call weapons makers what they are, not welcome the use of their names as marketing tools designed to sell consumer products.
The real question as we try to dig ourselves out of a period of devastating wars and increasing global tension is whether we need huge weapons firms like Lockheed Martin at all, or if there is a more efficient, humane way to provide for the common defense, less focused on profit and PR and more focused on developing the tools actually needed to carry out a more rational, restrained defense strategy.
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Top photo credit: North Korean leader Kim Jong Un visits the construction site of the Ragwon County Offshore Farm, North Korea July 13, 2025. KCNA via REUTERS
President Donald Trump’s second term has so far been a series of “shock and awe” campaigns both at home and abroad. But so far has left North Korea untouched even as it arms for the future.
The president dramatically broke with precedent during his first term, holding two summits as well as a brief meeting at the Demilitarized Zone with the North’s Supreme Leader Kim Jong-un. Unfortunately, engagement crashed and burned in Hanoi. The DPRK then pulled back, essentially severing contact with both the U.S. and South Korea.
The Biden administration did little to break the stalemate, during which Pyongyang expanded both its nuclear arsenal and missile capabilities. The North’s objective appears to be an effective deterrent against Washington, meaning the ability to target the American homeland. In that effort, Kim likely benefits from his close partnership with Russia’s Vladimir Putin. For the latter, enabling the DPRK to put the U.S. at risk would be payback for Washington’s vigorous proxy war-plus against Moscow in Ukraine.
The North has so far demonstrated no interest in reviving the two leaders’ relationship. However, Trump remains the only sitting American president to reach out to the North, and thus apparently willing to consider relaxing economic sanctions, a major North Korean objective. Pyongyang has reason to both play hard-to-get for negotiating purposes and pursue diplomacy if Trump again opens Washington’s door.
Still, convincing Kim to take a risk after his humiliating failure in 2019 might require more than just a love letter or two. To entice Pyongyang, Trump should demonstrate his commitment to establishing a serious relationship with Pyongyang and bringing the North into the larger global order. Toward this end, he should drop the ban on American travel and propose diplomatic relations with the DPRK.
Trump imposed a travel ban in 2017, prohibiting North Koreans from coming to America. The policy was bizarre on its face. After all, the number of North Koreans attempting to visit the U.S. was vanishingly small. The harm they could do to America was inconsequential. The policy appeared to be an afterthought, an attempt to present Trump’s original “Muslim travel ban” as something else with North Korea’s (and Venezuela’s) inclusion.
Next, the administration banned Americans from traveling to the DPRK. This policy also made little sense. By what measure is North Korea too dangerous for Americans? Over the previous two decades a score of Americans was detained; all but one survived mostly brief imprisonments. In contrast, Syria, left open for extreme tourists, enterprising journalists, and warrior-wannabes, claimed several American lives. Indeed, the risks of my two trips to North Korea paled compared to those to Syria, Afghanistan (twice), Sudan, South Sudan, Haiti, Iraq, Burma/Myanmar (several times in Karen-held territory during the civil war), Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Indonesia (including in the Moluccan Islands, then aflame between Muslim and Christian militias). Yet Washington restricted travel to none of the latter lands.
Nor did the Trump ban serve any useful purpose. The administration acted in the aftermath of student Otto Warmbier’s tragic death. However, the exact circumstances of his arrest and injury are, according to those involved in North Korean tourism, more complicated than the official version of events. Indeed, neither doctors nor a coroner found evidence of torture.
Moreover, the North long recognized that American prisoners were valuable only if alive and always returned those who violated its rules after winning Washington’s attention. Only four of the 15 Americans held after 2009 were tourists, and they all knowingly violated the North’s dictates. Of course, that didn’t warrant punishment, let alone death, but the regime is even more brutal and unforgiving toward its own people. The Trump ban achieved little other than to further isolate a country and system that desperately requires the opposite treatment. Indeed, U.S. regulations prevent almost all tourism, journalism, and even humanitarianism, given the practical difficulties in winning State Department approval for travel.
After his latest inauguration, Trump issued an expanded travel ban, affecting 19 countries, with another 36 potentially similarly targeted. This time the North was not cited despite reportedly being originally considered for inclusion. Some have speculated that the exclusion was intended to ease any move toward bilateral negotiations. More likely, however, it resulted because North Korea is not required to suggest faux balance to the latest list, which is not otherwise limited to Muslim-majority nations. Pyongyang ostentatiously dismissed the issue as having minimal practical relevance: “one obvious fact is that we are not in the least interested in the matter of entry into the US.”
Only the ban on Americans remains, and it expires annually. The administration should have allowed it to end on August 31, but unfortunately in May extended it through next year. Lifting the ban would demonstrate that Washington welcomed contact between the two countries. Allowing more Americans to travel there would also create a window, albeit small, into a very opaque society.
The DPRK has an obvious if somewhat inconsistent interest in revitalizing tourism. It recently opened the Kalma Coastal Tourism Zone, reportedly with space for 20,000 tourists, in Wonsan on the east coast. Although the area is open primarily for domestic tourists, Russian travel operators have begun advertising tours. Moreover, North Korea is again operating sightseeing boats on the Yalu River out of Sinuiju, though so far the tours are for North Koreans only.
Indeed, after only three weeks, Pyongyang shut down foreign tourism in the Rason Special Economic Zone, which had opened in February. The reason is speculative, but the authorities probably underestimated the negative information gleaned by travelers. Tourists also pushed the limits at the recent Pyongyang marathon, and the firm SI Analytics believes that Pyongyang is presently developing tighter controls. Noted CBS, “there is no word on when the country will fully reopen to foreign visitors.”
Trump also should propose that the two governments establish diplomatic relations. They could start small, with liaison offices, but with the expectation that full embassies would eventually follow. Having diplomats in Pyongyang, with some opportunity to travel outside of the capital, would provide American policymakers with at least minimal knowledge of conditions within the North and modest opportunity to view changing circumstances.
Official ties would also facilitate ongoing dialogue. Diplomacy should be recognized as a requirement, not treated as a reward, especially when the government involved is seeking to target American cities with ICBMs topped with multiple warheads filled with nuclear weapons.
If in October 1950, Washington and Beijing had diplomatic missions in each other’s capitals, they might have discussed the danger of a military clash as allied forces marched north and reached a modus vivendi, perhaps preserving a rump North Korea as a buffer for the PRC. An accommodation, no matter how imperfect, could have forestalled another two and a half years of war. In contrast, consider had there been no U.S. communication with the Kremlin as the Cuban Missile Crisis nearly exploded, literally. Later “Ostpolitik,” which led to mutual recognition of the two Germanys, reduced Cold War tensions between them and their mutual patrons, the U.S. and USSR.
Obviously, talking more routinely would not ensure that the most important issues were covered, let alone resolved. However, treating the North as an equal sovereign country worth engaging would encourage dialogue, including on controversial topics such as human rights. The two governments could discuss a framework for peace, perhaps starting with an end of war declaration and negotiation of a peace treaty. Rather than demand a commitment to denuclearize, Washington could push for an initial nuclear freeze in return for partial sanctions relief.
The price might be high, but Kim has dramatically increased his leverage. In the more than seven years since the first summit, he has added and improved nukes and missiles and forged a profitable alliance with Russia. Is Trump prepared to play tough and end up with an Asian nuclear crisis while embroiled in the Mideast and fighting a European proxy war?
North Korea is important. The issue is also increasingly urgent. A report from the Asan Institute/Rand Corporation in 2021 warned that before decade’s end “North Korea could have 200 nuclear weapons and several dozen intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and hundreds of theater missiles for delivering the nuclear weapons.” Assume those ICBMs can accurately target American cities. Washington policymakers would have to reconsider the ROK alliance, which requires being willing to go to war against a state capable of destroying America.
The president is busy, but North Korea won’t wait. With Pyongyang seeking to create an effective nuclear deterrent against the U.S., engagement is a must. President Trump needs to lead, and he should do so by seeking to increase contact not only between Washington and Pyongyang, but also Americans and North Koreans. Such efforts won’t substitute for serious diplomacy. However, they might make serious diplomacy possible and even eventually successful.
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