Follow us on social

Where expansion could hit a BRICS wall

Where expansion could hit a BRICS wall

The bigger this 'alternative' coalition becomes, the more apparent its members' divergent interests

Analysis | Global Crises

Turkey’s formal application last week for membership in BRICS marks a major step forward for a bloc that expanded its membership at the outset of the year to embrace Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the United Arab Emirates.

The 15-year-old coalition, whose initial members consisted of Brazil, Russia, India, and China, added South Africa in 2010 and has offered full membership to Saudi Arabia as well.

Once seen as a “paper tiger,” BRICS is increasingly viewed as a major force, attracting middle powers that are eager to boost their economies through expertise in the kinds of advanced sectors, such as high technology, renewable energy, and information technology at which China, a global leader in cutting-edge industries, has excelled.

While the primary goal of BRICS is to prioritize shared economic benefits, it is important to also recognize its inherent limitations. From the outset, the bloc seemed somewhat misaligned and modest in terms of its objectives and combined resources. Ironically, with its expansion, it now appears even more heterogeneous. To some extent, it seems to echo Ophelia’s famous line in Shakespeare’s Hamlet, “We know what we are, but know not what we may be.”

An analysis of BRICS' founding and new members highlights their divergent interests. China and Russia strongly oppose the U.S.-led global order but lack a cohesive set of values behind this stance, while India pursues a multi-alignment strategy, engaging with both the U.S. and the other major powers. Brazil and South Africa, though less confrontational, have also adopted flexible foreign policies, engaging actively in global affairs, particularly in regions like the Middle East.

Meanwhile, Brazil maintains robust economic relations with the U.S. and the EU while also nurturing ties with China and other BRICS members. South Africa balances its foreign policy between its Western partners and its growing relationships with emerging economies.

Among the new members, Iran aligns with China and Russia's anti-Western position, although its new president, Masoud Pezeshkian, has made no secret of his desire to improve ties with Europe, in particular. The UAE, a long-term and significant contributor to the U.S. economy with over 30 years of substantial investments, is using its BRICS membership primarily to broaden partnerships with countries, notably China.

Egypt, struggling with economic challenges, recently secured an $8 billion bailout from the western-dominated International Monetary Fund, while Ethiopia, facing financial strain and internal crises of its own, also turned to the IMF for a $3.4 billion loan.

These disparities among BRICS members reveal a group more defined by its differences than by any shared values or interests. Rather than a unified bloc, BRICS stands out for its diverse internal challenges and the complexities they bring.

In addition to its diverse membership, BRICS also grapples with fundamental limitations intrinsic to its structure. As the group grows, the challenge of collective action—effectively coordinating among its disparate members—has become increasingly apparent.

This issue magnifies the differences among the nations involved. The debate over enlargement is a prime example — while China advocates for swift expansion to amplify its influence, countries like India and Brazil express caution, fearing that a larger group may dilute their own strategic interests. Similarly, engagement with the West reveals deep rifts; Russia, isolated due to sanctions, seeks to deepen anti-Western alliances, whereas India, Brazil, and South Africa maintain complex but crucial ties with Western powers.

These tensions are compounded by the enduring rivalry between China and India, where border disputes and competing regional ambitions further complicate collective action.

At present, BRICS struggles with burden-sharing and lacks the leadership needed to assert itself as a formidable bloc. While China, with the largest economy by far, might be seen as a potential leader, India, whose military has clashed with Beijing’s over contested territory, is unlikely to defer to a BRICS dominated by its northern neighbor. At the same time, China's role within the G77+China caucus in the Bretton Woods institutions and in the Global South indicates its preference for a structure where it retains predominant influence and sells its global image rather than fostering a truly democratic and pluralistic organization.

Still, BRICS membership offers significant advantages despite the multiple challenges. The bloc provides a platform for member countries to collaborate on trade, economic growth, infrastructure development, and financial cooperation, and reduce their dependence on Western-dominated institutions, including the Washington-based IMF and World Bank. The New Development Bank (NDB), though still evolving since BRICS launched it in 2015, serves as an alternative source of funding for developing countries. Furthermore, economic partnerships within BRICS facilitate access to diverse markets, enhancing trade and investment opportunities across emerging economies.

There is still a long road ahead. The NDB was designed to complement, not compete with, institutions like the IMF and World Bank. Focused primarily on infrastructure projects, the NDB's goal to lend in local currencies is hindered by the continuing dominance of the dollar. Escaping this reliance requires long-term strategies, as not all member countries, unlike China’s yuan, possess stable currencies.

The borrowing trends of new members will be a crucial indicator of how BRICS’ financial architecture evolves. For instance, Egypt, which recently received an $8 billion bailout from the IMF, aims to secure a $1 billion loan from the NDB by year’s end. This suggests that a significant departure from dollar reliance and existing financial institutions remains a distant prospect.

Given the obstacles, the notion of a dominant BRICS coalition countering Western influence remains largely aspirational. The true appeal for prospective members lies in the opportunity to amplify their collective voice in global governance, fostering multipolarity and mitigating Western dominance.

Therefore, what the West must understand about the expanding BRICS bloc is that it must address the very motivations that are driving these members into this camp and reevaluate its engagement with the Global South. Viewing BRICS merely as a symbol of multipolarity overlooks its role in highlighting the deficiencies and challenges of the existing international framework.

South Africa's Foreign Minister Naledi Pandor (L), China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi (C) and Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov pose for a group photo during a meeting of the BRICS Plus Ministerial Council in the city of Nizhny Novgorod, Russia June 11, 2024. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov

Analysis | Global Crises
ukraine war
Diplomacy Watch: A peace summit without Russia
Diplomacy Watch: Moscow bails on limited ceasefire talks

Diplomacy Watch: Russia capitalizing on battlefield surge

QiOSK

Russian President Vladimir Putin wants to increase the size of Russia’s military even while it’s seeing regular successes on the battlefield. These developments are leading some in the Ukrainian military and civilians alike to become more open to the idea of talks aimed at ending the war.

The Kremlin is currently negotiating a new military budget proposal of upwards of $145 billion which would mean that, if signed into law, Russia’s 2025 defense spending would grow to 32.5% of the budget, a 4.2% increase from this year’s spending.

keep readingShow less
Iran bombs Israel, but buck stops with Biden

Israel's Iron Dome anti-missile system intercepts rockets after Iran fired a salvo of ballistic missiles, as seen from Ashkelon, Israel, October 1, 2024 REUTERS/Amir Cohen TPX

Iran bombs Israel, but buck stops with Biden

Middle East

Today, Iran launched a massive missile attack against Israel, which Tehran billed as a response to Israel’s recent assassinations of leaders of the IRGC, Hezbollah and Hamas. Israel now appears to be mulling a retaliation in turn that could push the sides into all-out war.

When Israel and Iran narrowly avoided a full-blown conflict in April, I warned that we shouldn’t let Biden’s help in averting escalation overshadow his broader, strategic failure to prevent such a dangerous moment from ever arising. Had the U.S. used its considerable leverage with Israel to end its war in Gaza, the region would not have found itself on the edge of a disastrous war in April; six months later, the Middle East is back at the brink of disaster.

keep readingShow less
Disabled refueler exposes fragility of US mission in Middle East

The aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln (CVN 72) approaches the fast combat support ship USNS Arctic (T-AOE 8) for a replenishment-at-sea. September 12, 2019. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Tristan Kyle Labuguen/Released)

Disabled refueler exposes fragility of US mission in Middle East

Middle East

A U.S. Navy oil tanker running aground off the coast of Oman isn’t a huge event. The fact that it is the only tanker to refuel American warships in a Middle East conflict zone, is.

In fact, this only underscores the fragility of the Navy’s logistic systems at a time when the U.S. has chosen to lean in on an aggressive military posture when it may not have the full capacity to do so, and it may or may not be in the national interest for the Navy to be conducting these operations in the first place.

keep readingShow less

Election 2024

Latest

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.