Follow us on social

Where expansion could hit a BRICS wall

Where expansion could hit a BRICS wall

The bigger this 'alternative' coalition becomes, the more apparent its members' divergent interests

Analysis | Global Crises

Turkey’s formal application last week for membership in BRICS marks a major step forward for a bloc that expanded its membership at the outset of the year to embrace Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the United Arab Emirates.

The 15-year-old coalition, whose initial members consisted of Brazil, Russia, India, and China, added South Africa in 2010 and has offered full membership to Saudi Arabia as well.

Once seen as a “paper tiger,” BRICS is increasingly viewed as a major force, attracting middle powers that are eager to boost their economies through expertise in the kinds of advanced sectors, such as high technology, renewable energy, and information technology at which China, a global leader in cutting-edge industries, has excelled.

While the primary goal of BRICS is to prioritize shared economic benefits, it is important to also recognize its inherent limitations. From the outset, the bloc seemed somewhat misaligned and modest in terms of its objectives and combined resources. Ironically, with its expansion, it now appears even more heterogeneous. To some extent, it seems to echo Ophelia’s famous line in Shakespeare’s Hamlet, “We know what we are, but know not what we may be.”

An analysis of BRICS' founding and new members highlights their divergent interests. China and Russia strongly oppose the U.S.-led global order but lack a cohesive set of values behind this stance, while India pursues a multi-alignment strategy, engaging with both the U.S. and the other major powers. Brazil and South Africa, though less confrontational, have also adopted flexible foreign policies, engaging actively in global affairs, particularly in regions like the Middle East.

Meanwhile, Brazil maintains robust economic relations with the U.S. and the EU while also nurturing ties with China and other BRICS members. South Africa balances its foreign policy between its Western partners and its growing relationships with emerging economies.

Among the new members, Iran aligns with China and Russia's anti-Western position, although its new president, Masoud Pezeshkian, has made no secret of his desire to improve ties with Europe, in particular. The UAE, a long-term and significant contributor to the U.S. economy with over 30 years of substantial investments, is using its BRICS membership primarily to broaden partnerships with countries, notably China.

Egypt, struggling with economic challenges, recently secured an $8 billion bailout from the western-dominated International Monetary Fund, while Ethiopia, facing financial strain and internal crises of its own, also turned to the IMF for a $3.4 billion loan.

These disparities among BRICS members reveal a group more defined by its differences than by any shared values or interests. Rather than a unified bloc, BRICS stands out for its diverse internal challenges and the complexities they bring.

In addition to its diverse membership, BRICS also grapples with fundamental limitations intrinsic to its structure. As the group grows, the challenge of collective action—effectively coordinating among its disparate members—has become increasingly apparent.

This issue magnifies the differences among the nations involved. The debate over enlargement is a prime example — while China advocates for swift expansion to amplify its influence, countries like India and Brazil express caution, fearing that a larger group may dilute their own strategic interests. Similarly, engagement with the West reveals deep rifts; Russia, isolated due to sanctions, seeks to deepen anti-Western alliances, whereas India, Brazil, and South Africa maintain complex but crucial ties with Western powers.

These tensions are compounded by the enduring rivalry between China and India, where border disputes and competing regional ambitions further complicate collective action.

At present, BRICS struggles with burden-sharing and lacks the leadership needed to assert itself as a formidable bloc. While China, with the largest economy by far, might be seen as a potential leader, India, whose military has clashed with Beijing’s over contested territory, is unlikely to defer to a BRICS dominated by its northern neighbor. At the same time, China's role within the G77+China caucus in the Bretton Woods institutions and in the Global South indicates its preference for a structure where it retains predominant influence and sells its global image rather than fostering a truly democratic and pluralistic organization.

Still, BRICS membership offers significant advantages despite the multiple challenges. The bloc provides a platform for member countries to collaborate on trade, economic growth, infrastructure development, and financial cooperation, and reduce their dependence on Western-dominated institutions, including the Washington-based IMF and World Bank. The New Development Bank (NDB), though still evolving since BRICS launched it in 2015, serves as an alternative source of funding for developing countries. Furthermore, economic partnerships within BRICS facilitate access to diverse markets, enhancing trade and investment opportunities across emerging economies.

There is still a long road ahead. The NDB was designed to complement, not compete with, institutions like the IMF and World Bank. Focused primarily on infrastructure projects, the NDB's goal to lend in local currencies is hindered by the continuing dominance of the dollar. Escaping this reliance requires long-term strategies, as not all member countries, unlike China’s yuan, possess stable currencies.

The borrowing trends of new members will be a crucial indicator of how BRICS’ financial architecture evolves. For instance, Egypt, which recently received an $8 billion bailout from the IMF, aims to secure a $1 billion loan from the NDB by year’s end. This suggests that a significant departure from dollar reliance and existing financial institutions remains a distant prospect.

Given the obstacles, the notion of a dominant BRICS coalition countering Western influence remains largely aspirational. The true appeal for prospective members lies in the opportunity to amplify their collective voice in global governance, fostering multipolarity and mitigating Western dominance.

Therefore, what the West must understand about the expanding BRICS bloc is that it must address the very motivations that are driving these members into this camp and reevaluate its engagement with the Global South. Viewing BRICS merely as a symbol of multipolarity overlooks its role in highlighting the deficiencies and challenges of the existing international framework.

Thanks to our readers and supporters, Responsible Statecraft has had a tremendous year. A complete website overhaul made possible in part by generous contributions to RS, along with amazing writing by staff and outside contributors, has helped to increase our monthly page views by 133%! In continuing to provide independent and sharp analysis on the major conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, as well as the tumult of Washington politics, RS has become a go-to for readers looking for alternatives and change in the foreign policy conversation. 

 

We hope you will consider a tax-exempt donation to RS for your end-of-the-year giving, as we plan for new ways to expand our coverage and reach in 2025. Please enjoy your holidays, and here is to a dynamic year ahead!

South Africa's Foreign Minister Naledi Pandor (L), China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi (C) and Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov pose for a group photo during a meeting of the BRICS Plus Ministerial Council in the city of Nizhny Novgorod, Russia June 11, 2024. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov

Analysis | Global Crises
ukraine war

Diplomacy Watch: Will Assad’s fall prolong conflict in Ukraine?

QiOSK

Vladimir Putin has been humiliated in Syria and now he has to make up for it in Ukraine.

That’s what pro-war Russian commentators are advising the president to do in response to the sudden collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, according to the New York Times this week. That sentiment has potential to derail any momentum toward negotiating an end to the war that had been gaining at least some semblance of steam over the past weeks and months.

keep readingShow less
Ukraine Russian Assets money
Top photo credit: Shutterstock/Corlaffra

West confirms Ukraine billions funded by Russian assets

Europe

On Tuesday December 10, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen announced the disbursement of a $20 billion loan to Ukraine. This represents the final chapter in the long-negotiated G7 $50 billion Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) loan agreed at the G7 Summit in Puglia, in June.

Biden had already confirmed America’s intention to provide this loan in October, so the payment this week represents the dotting of the “I” of that process. The G7 loans are now made up of $20 billion each from the U.S. and the EU, with the remaining $10 billion met by the UK, Canada, and Japan.

keep readingShow less
Shavkat Mirziyoyev Donald Trump
Top image credit: U.S. President Donald Trump greets Uzbekistan's President Shavkat Mirziyoyev at the White House in Washington, U.S. May 16, 2018. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst

Central Asia: The blind spot Trump can't afford to ignore

Asia-Pacific

When President-elect Donald Trump starts his second term January 20, he will face a full foreign policy agenda, with wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, Taiwan tensions, and looming trade disputes with China, Mexico, and Canada.

At some point, he will hit the road on his “I’m back!” tour. Hopefully, he will consider stops in Central Asia in the not-too-distant future.

keep readingShow less

Trump transition

Latest

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.