Follow us on social

Botswana’s stunning election upset puts elites on notice

Botswana’s stunning election upset puts elites on notice

Across Africa, voters are responding to corruption and economic fragility by overturning decades of rule

Reporting | Africa

In a stunning result that ran counter to much of the pre-election analysis and expectations, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), which had ruled Botswana since the country’s first post-independence election in 1966, lost its parliamentary majority in last Wednesday’s elections by a landslide.

The long-ruling party won only four of the 61 seats in the National Assembly, down from the 38 it won in the last general election five years ago.

The main opposition party, the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC), won 32 seats, surpassing the 31 needed to secure a governing majority. Under Botswana’s constitution, the majority in parliament elects the president. As a result, the UDC’s leader, Duma Boko, has ascended to the presidency, taking the place of the BDP’s Mokgweetsi Masisi, who resigned after more than seven years in power.

The election results evince the impressive growth of support in the relatively short history of the UDC, which was formed by a coalition of parties in 2012 to challenge the ruling BDP. In the latest election, the UDC ran in direct opposition to the BDP, arguing that the long-ruling party had repeatedly failed to deliver for the 2.5 million people of Botswana on issues ranging from the economy to healthcare, made worse by allegations of corruption.

Although much of the analysis heading into election day suggested that the BDP would almost certainly extend its nearly six-decade rule, it is now clear that the UDC’s arguments for a change in government resonated deeply with the people.

Botswana’s economy has faltered in recent years. The country’s relationship to the global economy is heavily dependent on diamond exports, which account for 80 percent of the country’s total exports. As the natural diamond market has suffered from a drop in global demand, in part due to the rise of lab-grown synthetic diamonds, the country has seen its premier industry shrink. The drop in global diamond demand is a major reason for the country’s drop in GDP growth, which fell from 5.5% in 2022 to 2.7% last year.

As the economy has slowed, a growing number of Batswana have struggled to find work. Unemployment in the country has risen to 27%, hitting young people particularly hard.

The ruling BDP’s reelection efforts were also hurt by internal divisions. Ian Khama, the son of the country’s first president and Masisis’s predecessor (Masisi served as Khama’s vice president), publicly criticized Masisi over a number of policy issues and accused him of authoritarian tendencies.

In the end, Khama formed a breakaway party, the Botswana Patriotic Front, which won four seats in Wednesday’s elections, equalling the number of seats won by the BDP.

The UDC released a manifesto in early September that listed its priorities, focusing heavily on improving the economy and providing new government services to Batswana. It argued that the country had to diversify its economy and pledged to add 450,000 to 500,000 jobs within the next five years, in part through investment in infrastructure projects.

The party says it will look to sectors such as agriculture, agro-processing, solar energy, and tourism as alternatives to diamond production in the years to come.

It also promised to raise the minimum wage, provide access to free internet across the country in government and community centers, and create a comprehensive healthcare system for citizens and permanent residents.

Although the country has fared quite well in global corruption surveys — especially when compared to other African states — there has been a growing perception in recent years that corruption, including nepotism, has increasingly creeped into government operations. Masisi reportedly gave a government contract worth 84 million Botswana Pula ($6.28 million) to his sister in 2022. Although such a contract alone doesn’t necessarily serve as an example of nepotism, it was widely perceived as such.

Masisi was also accused of bypassing judicial processes by interfering in local tribal land disputes.

Although stunning by themselves, Botswana’s election results are consistent with a pattern across southern Africa, in which leading and long-governing parties are struggling to retain their grip on power against a torrent of cries of corruption and weak economic performance that has successfully propelled opposition parties to grab a greater share of power.

South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC), which had secured a governing majority in every election since the end of apartheid in 1992, lost its majority in parliament earlier this year for the first time in its history, forcing it to form a coalition government.

Growing support for opposition parties in Tanzania ahead of last month’s local elections and next year’s general elections, has provoked a major crackdown against opposition protesters in recent weeks, leading to charges of human rights abuses committed by police. Among those detained in the protests have been leaders of the main opposition party, Chadema.

Namibia is similarly experiencing growing calls for a change in government. The South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), which has ruled the country since independence in 1990, fell below a two-thirds parliamentary majority in 2019 for the first time and is facing a strong challenge from numerous opposition parties in elections scheduled for November 27.

In addition to Namibia, Tanzania will hold local elections later this month and general elections next year.

These trends evince the political consequences of rising distrust among the public in countries across southern Africa. Citizens are increasingly distrustful of political elites and long-established ruling parties, which are widely seen as having failed to promote the wellbeing of all citizens, instead pushing policies that have contributed to economic stagnation, maintained social inequity, and worsened environmental conditions.


Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) supporters leave the final rally in Tlokweng, east of Gaborone, Botswana October 29, 2024. REUTERS/Thalefang Charles

Reporting | Africa
Mark Levin
Top photo credit: Erick Stakelbeck on TBN/Screengrab

The great fade out: Neocon influencers rage as they diminish

Media

Mark Levin appears to be having a meltdown.

The veteran neoconservative talk host is repulsed by reports that President Donald Trump might be inching closer to an Iranian nuclear deal, reducing the likelihood of war. In addition to his rants on how this would hurt Israel, Levin has been howling to anyone who will listen that any deal with Iran needs approval from Congress (funny he doesn’t have the same attitude for waging war, only for making peace).

keep readingShow less
american military missiles
Top photo credit: Fogcatcher/Shutterstock

5 ways the military industrial complex is a killer

Latest

Congress is on track to finish work on the fiscal year 2025 Pentagon budget this week, and odds are that it will add $150 billion to its funding for the next few years beyond what the department even asked for. Meanwhile, President Trump has announced a goal of over $1 trillion for the Pentagon for fiscal year 2026.

With these immense sums flying out the door, it’s a good time to take a critical look at the Pentagon budget, from the rationales given to justify near record levels of spending to the impact of that spending in the real world. Here are five things you should know about the Pentagon budget and the military-industrial complex that keeps the churn going.

keep readingShow less
Sudan
Top image credit: A Sudanese army soldier stands next to a destroyed combat vehicle as Sudan's army retakes ground and some displaced residents return to ravaged capital in the state of Khartoum Sudan March 26, 2025. REUTERS/El Tayeb Siddig

Will Sudan attack the UAE?

Africa

Recent weeks events have dramatically cast the Sudanese civil war back into the international spotlight, drawing renewed scrutiny to the role of external actors, particularly the United Arab Emirates.

This shift has been driven by Sudan's accusations at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) against the UAE concerning violations of the Genocide Convention, alongside drone strikes on Port Sudan that Khartoum vociferously attributes to direct Emirati participation. Concurrently, Secretary of State Marco Rubio publicly reaffirmed the UAE's deep entanglement in the conflict at a Senate hearing last week.

From Washington, another significant and sudden development also surfaced last week: the imposition of U.S. sanctions on the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) for alleged chemical weapons use. This dramatic accusation was met by an immediate denial from Sudan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which vehemently dismissed the claims as "unfounded" and criticized the U.S. for bypassing the proper international mechanisms, specifically the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, despite Sudan's active membership on its Executive Council.

Despite the gravity of such an accusation, corroboration for the use of chemical agents in Sudan’s war remains conspicuously absent from public debate or reporting, save for a January 2025 New York Times article citing unnamed U.S. officials. That report itself contained a curious disclaimer: "Officials briefed on the intelligence said the information did not come from the United Arab Emirates, an American ally that is also a staunch supporter of the R.S.F."

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.