Follow us on social

African juntas' defense pact makes mockery of US policy

African juntas' defense pact makes mockery of US policy

Lectures from Washington about democracy and Russia fell on deaf ears in Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso

Analysis | Africa

On July 6, the three junta-led countries of the western Sahel — Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso — signed a treaty to establish a security alliance between them. This announcement came during the first summit of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a trilateral body formed by the three governments in September 2023, encompassing a total population of 72 million people.

This is in accordance with the announcement the three governments made in March that they would jointly create a task force with the goal of better integrating security operations in response to possible threats.

The military rulers created AES to formalize their alliance in a new intergovernmental body that they intend to serve as an alternative to the Economic Organization of West African States (ECOWAS), the much larger regional group focused on advancing economic integration and facilitating diplomacy among its member states.

The July 6 treaty forms a deeply interconnected confederation between the three countries that looks to facilitate dialogue on matters related to security as well as deepen their economic ties.

In a clear indication of his perspective on the role foreign governments and multilateral bodies have played in Nigerien affairs, Niger’s military leader, Abdourahamane Tiani, said in an interview during the trilateral summit that “our people have irrevocably turned their backs on ECOWAS. … It is up to us today to make the AES Confederation an alternative to any artificial regional group by building ... a community free from the control of foreign powers."

The three governments have a history of calling out foreign countries, particularly France, and external bodies for interfering in their domestic affairs and imposing strict conditions on their governance in return for good relations and aid. Part of this anger has been directed towards ECOWAS, which has sanctioned member countries that fail to maintain democratic governance.

Following last year’s coup in Niger, ECOWAS threatened to intervene with military force if democratic rule was not restored. The Nigerien junta called ECOWAS’s bluff, and the regional body ultimately backed down.

The three military-ruled governments jointly announced their withdrawal from ECOWAS in January 2024, bringing to the forefront questions about ECOWAS’s future and its ability to resolve regional disputes. In an unsuccessful attempt to dissuade the governments from leaving, ECOWAS announced in February that it would lift sanctions on Niger that had been imposed after the coup.

But beyond dissatisfaction with ECOWAS, the three juntas have also expressed frustration with foreign powers. On Monday, July 8, the United States announced that it had completed its withdrawal of 1,000 American troops that were stationed at a military base near Niger’s capital, Niamey, and that it will continue to remove its personnel from a second military installation in the country. This comes in response to the ruling Nigerien junta ordering the United States to end its military presence in the country. From the junta’s perspective, the United States had failed to reduce insecurity and has been unable to improve the economic health of Nigeriens . Despite millions spent on the country — the United States spent $223 million in aid to Niger in 2023 alone — insurgent groups remain present in Niger while the economic health of the country remains dire.

Prior to last summer’s coup, Washington had worked with the civilian-led Nigerien government on security issues, including sharing security intelligence, conducting military training programs, and building and using multiple military bases in the country. Since seizing power, however, the junta has severed the once-strong alliance with the United States, expressing dissatisfaction with the way American officials have reportedly lectured them on the importance of democracy — something clearly not of interest to a ruling junta that acquired power through a coup. The United States has also argued that the geopolitical risks of forming new security partnerships with Russia pose a danger to human rights, another issue that likely fails to resonate with a military government whose top priority is maintaining power, rather than helping the United States compete against Russia or promote the U.S.-invented rules-based order.

Ultimately, the creation of this new alliance and the recent news of the creation of a confederacy is yet a further sign of how far these three countries have drifted from the West.

Gone are the days when the United States and France maintained close ties with these countries on the grounds that they were working to advance mutual security interests in a regional fight against terrorism. Now, they’re openly antagonistic to Western powers while gladly working with Russian forces whose security support helps them meet their self-interest.


Heads of state of Mali's Assimi Goita, Niger's General Abdourahamane Tiani and Burkina Faso's Captain Ibrahim Traore attend the opening of for the first ordinary summit of heads of state and governments of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) in Niamey, Niger July 6, 2024. REUTERS/ Mahamadou Hamidou

Analysis | Africa
Mark Levin
Top photo credit: Erick Stakelbeck on TBN/Screengrab

The great fade out: Neocon influencers rage as they diminish

Media

Mark Levin appears to be having a meltdown.

The veteran neoconservative talk host is repulsed by reports that President Donald Trump might be inching closer to an Iranian nuclear deal, reducing the likelihood of war. In addition to his rants on how this would hurt Israel, Levin has been howling to anyone who will listen that any deal with Iran needs approval from Congress (funny he doesn’t have the same attitude for waging war, only for making peace).

keep readingShow less
american military missiles
Top photo credit: Fogcatcher/Shutterstock

5 ways the military industrial complex is a killer

Latest

Congress is on track to finish work on the fiscal year 2025 Pentagon budget this week, and odds are that it will add $150 billion to its funding for the next few years beyond what the department even asked for. Meanwhile, President Trump has announced a goal of over $1 trillion for the Pentagon for fiscal year 2026.

With these immense sums flying out the door, it’s a good time to take a critical look at the Pentagon budget, from the rationales given to justify near record levels of spending to the impact of that spending in the real world. Here are five things you should know about the Pentagon budget and the military-industrial complex that keeps the churn going.

keep readingShow less
Sudan
Top image credit: A Sudanese army soldier stands next to a destroyed combat vehicle as Sudan's army retakes ground and some displaced residents return to ravaged capital in the state of Khartoum Sudan March 26, 2025. REUTERS/El Tayeb Siddig

Will Sudan attack the UAE?

Africa

Recent weeks events have dramatically cast the Sudanese civil war back into the international spotlight, drawing renewed scrutiny to the role of external actors, particularly the United Arab Emirates.

This shift has been driven by Sudan's accusations at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) against the UAE concerning violations of the Genocide Convention, alongside drone strikes on Port Sudan that Khartoum vociferously attributes to direct Emirati participation. Concurrently, Secretary of State Marco Rubio publicly reaffirmed the UAE's deep entanglement in the conflict at a Senate hearing last week.

From Washington, another significant and sudden development also surfaced last week: the imposition of U.S. sanctions on the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) for alleged chemical weapons use. This dramatic accusation was met by an immediate denial from Sudan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which vehemently dismissed the claims as "unfounded" and criticized the U.S. for bypassing the proper international mechanisms, specifically the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, despite Sudan's active membership on its Executive Council.

Despite the gravity of such an accusation, corroboration for the use of chemical agents in Sudan’s war remains conspicuously absent from public debate or reporting, save for a January 2025 New York Times article citing unnamed U.S. officials. That report itself contained a curious disclaimer: "Officials briefed on the intelligence said the information did not come from the United Arab Emirates, an American ally that is also a staunch supporter of the R.S.F."

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.