Follow us on social

Shutterstock_1214732170-2-scaled

What if the US took a more nuanced view of Iran?

The prevailing wisdom that all fault for animosity between the two countries lies with Tehran does not serve American interests.

Analysis | Middle East

As the talks to revive the nuclear accord known as the JCPOA are reaching the critical stage, the traditional Washington view holds Iran solely responsible for its antagonistic relationship with the United States. Carnegie Endowment research fellow Karim Sadjadpour is only the latest among the pundits who articulated that view in a recent long read in The New York Times.

That such a nuance-free view of Iran dominates the Washington discourse across the political spectrum renders any potential rapprochement with Tehran a far-fetched prospect. To break this vicious cycle of enmity, it could be more useful to recognize that since the 1979 Iranian revolution both sides have been guilty of missing opportunities to improve relations.

According to Sadjadpour, the United States has consistently tried to engage Iran, only to be rebuffed by the leadership of the Islamic Republic — and singularly its Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei — because the clerical regime is too dogmatically ideologically anti-American and fearful that any engagement with the “Great Satan” would erode its own legitimacy and lead, down the road, to its demise.

There is no question that anti-Americanism forms part of the DNA of the Islamic Republic. Initially rooted in the resentment over the extensive support Washington gave to the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi who toppled to the revolutionaries in 1979, it took a life of its own as the regime consolidated.

Over the decades, Tehran systematically opposed U.S. policies even when its own interest in doing so was suspect at best. One obvious example is the Islamic Republic’s steadfast refusal to recognize Israel’s right to exist. Given the extensive U.S. commitment to Israel, this has fostered a powerful opposition to any normalization of relations with Iran.

More recent examples include Tehran moving away from its initially cautious response to the war in Ukraine to a more explicit support for RussiaKhamenei’s remarks to Russian president Vladimir Putin strongly suggest that he sees Russia’s war as part of a broader “resistance” to the U.S. and NATO-centric world.

That said, however, the Islamic Republic has also a pragmatic streak that repeatedly led its leaders to make overtures to Washington. The moderate presidents Ali Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami sought to reach out to the United States throughout the 1990s and 2000s, without much success. Of note, Iran helped the United States overthrow the Taliban regime in Afghanistan after 9/11, only to be slapped by then-President George W. Bush as part of his infamous “axis of evil.” The Bush administration’s hostility toward Iran during that time contributed significantly to the election of a populist hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, which strained relations even further.

The conclusion of the JCPOA in 2015, under presidents Barack Obama and Hassan Rouhani, was a proof that, with the right leadership, both sides can set aside their deep antagonisms and pragmatically focus on achieving deals for mutual benefit. In that period, Iran also de-facto cooperated with the United States against the Islamic State (ISIS) in Iraq. Khamenei, for all his anti-Americanism, hinted that a successful implementation of the JCPOA might open the way for dialogue on other issues dividing the United States and Iran, such as the broader security in the Middle East and Persian Gulf.

This by no means implied that Tehran took some sort of strategic decision to normalize relations with Washington. The JCPOA did not lead to any significant moderation of Iran’s regional policies — it wasn’t supposed to, but it created a better climate for engagement. Meanwhile, the regime continued its cruel policy of holding American citizens de-facto hostages of its anti-American hostility. Powerful forces within the system had vested interests in perpetuating this enmity. What the JCPOA created was an opening that could have challenged those entrenched interests and steered Iran in a more liberal and transparent direction.

Donald Trump chose to ignore these opportunities. Instead, he withdrew from the JCPOA (which was delivering on its objective to keep Iran away from the nuclear bomb) and imposed the “maximum pressure” campaign that was purported meant to achieve a “better deal.”

Trump wanted it so badly that, as Sadjadpour claims in his article, he requested to meet Rouhani on no less than eight occasions. Although these requests generated some debate in Iran of whether they should have been accepted, Trump’s failure to offer any substantive sanctions relief convinced the Iranians not to reward him with what they saw as merely a photo opportunity. No “better deal” arrived, and Iran has accelerated its nuclear program. The pro-JCPOA moderates, meanwhile, were weakened to a point that the hardliners felt emboldened enough to stage-elect their own favorite candidate for president — Ebrahim Raisi — brushing aside even the narrow confines of pluralism allowed in the Iranian system and cracking down harshly on previously tolerated dissent.

Joe Biden’s election offered a chance to quickly rescue relations with Iran from a Trump-era freefall. However, the Biden administration missed that chance by refusing to rejoin the JCPOA swiftly via a presidential executive order while it still had a willing partner in the Rouhani government.

Negotiating with the hardline Raisi administration has predictably proved more difficult, as it partially represents constituencies intensely hostile to the idea of improving relations with Washington. Yet as the subsequent negotiations have shown, there are pragmatists also within the hardline camp: after much criticism of the Rouhani-Zarif team for supposedly giving in too much, the Raisi team has arrived at the same place: recognizing that any diplomatic negotiation involves gives and takes.

It is now the responsibility of both governments to ensure that the revival of the JCPOA does not add to the long list of missed opportunities. Iranians should not overplay their hand as closer relations with Russia and China are no substitute to a re-integration into the world economy, where the United States still plays a leading role. Meanwhile, Washington needs to recognize that Iran’s demands to provide some reassurances that the sanctions relief would survive a next U.S. administration, particularly if Republicans were to return to the White House, is not an ideological aberration, but only prudence: you don’t need to be a fanatical anti-American not to want to be fooled twice.

The road to ending the U.S. – Iran enmity lies in pragmatically seizing on the opportunities for engagement and building on them. Anti-Americanism continues to be a powerful ideological force within the Iranian regime. Yet for all their rhetoric, the leaders in Tehran are not impervious to the notion of the national interest. Reducing tensions with a vastly superior power is clearly in the interests of Iran. Likewise, at a time when the United States faces potent challenges from Russia and China, de-escalating tensions with a middling power in the Persian Gulf that poses no vital threat to U.S. security should be a low-hanging fruit.

This article reflects the personal views of the author and not necessarily the opinions of the S&D Group or the European Parliament.   


Photo: BalkansCat via shutterstock.com
Analysis | Middle East
Somalia
Top image credit: U.S. forces host a range day with the Danab Brigade in Somalia, May 9, 2021. Special Operations Command Africa remains engaged with partner forces in Somalia in order to promote safety and stability across the Horn of Africa. (U.S. Air Force photo by Staff Sgt. Zoe Russell)

Why the US can't beat al-Shabaab in Somalia

Africa

The New York Times reported earlier this month that recent gains by al-Shabaab Islamist militants in central and southern Somalia has prompted a debate within the State Department about closing the U.S. Embassy in Mogadishu and withdrawing most American personnel. At the forefront of some officials’ minds, according to the Times, are memories of recent foreign policy fiascos, such as the fall of the Afghan government amid a hasty American withdrawal in 2021.

There are good reasons to question why the U.S. has been unable to defeat al-Shabaab despite nearly 20 years of U.S. military involvement in the country. But the scale of the U.S. role is drastically different than that of Afghanistan, and the U.S. cannot necessarily be described as the most significant external security actor on the ground. At the same time, the Trump administration has given no indication that it will scale down drone strikes — meaning that the U.S. will continue to privilege military solutions.

keep readingShow less
Hegseth Guam
Top photo credit: Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth departs Andersen Air Force Base, Guam, March 27, 2025. (DOD photo by U.S. Air Force Madelyn Keech)

Hegseth goes to 'spear point' Guam to prep for war with China

Asia-Pacific

The Guam headlines from the recent visit of the U.S. secretary of defense are only part of Secretary Hegseth’s maiden visit to the Pacific. It is Guam’s place in the larger picture - where the island fits into U.S. strategy - that helps us understand how the “tip of the spear” is being positioned. Perhaps overlooked, the arrangement of the “Guam piece” gives us a better sense not only of Guam’s importance to the United States, but also of how the U.S. sees the larger geopolitical competition taking shape.

Before he landed on Guam, the secretary of defense circulated a secret memo that prioritized U.S. readiness for a potential conflict with China over Taiwan. At the same time, it was reported that U.S. intelligence assessed that Guam would be “a major target of Chinese missile strikes” if China launched an invasion of Taiwan.

keep readingShow less
Pope Francis' legacy of inter-faith diplomacy
Top image credit: Pope Francis met with Grand Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani, one of the Muslim world's leading authorities on March 6, 2021 in Najaf, Iraq. (Vatican Media via REUTERS)

Pope Francis' legacy of inter-faith diplomacy

Global Crises

One of the most enduring tributes to Pope Francis, who passed away this Easter, would be the appreciation for his legacy of inter-religious diplomacy, a vision rooted in his humility, compassion, and a commitment to bridging divides — between faiths, cultures, and ideologies — from a standpoint of mutual respect and tolerance.

Among his most profound contributions is his historic meeting with Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani in Najaf, Iraq, on March 6, 2021. What made this meeting a true landmark in inter-faith dialogue was the fact it brought together, for the first time, the spiritual leader of the world’s 1.2 billion Roman Catholics and one of the most revered figures in Shia Islam, with influence on tens of millions of Shia Muslims globally. In a humble, yet moving ceremony, the meeting took place in al-Sistani’s modest home in Najaf. A frail al-Sistani, who rarely receives visitors and typically remains seated, stood to greet the 84-year-old Pope and held his hand, in a gesture that underscored mutual respect.

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.