Follow us on social

Shutterstock_1481060744

Congress begins effort to end US role in Yemen war

A bill introduced in the House this week will mark the third time lawmakers have invoked their war powers during the conflict.

Analysis | Reporting | Middle East

Amazingly, after nearly eight years of relentless war, the U.N.-negotiated ceasefire has held up in Yemen for the last two months. As the U.N. Special Envoy begins his effort to extend this temporary truce into a longer-term deescalation, Congress once again has the opportunity to retake its war powers authority and provide the president with a tool to end U.S. involvement.  

Today, a bipartisan group of House lawmakers, led by Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) and Rep. Peter DeFazio (D-Ore.), introduced a measure to invoke Congress's war powers "to end unauthorized United States military involvement in Saudi Arabia’s brutal war in Yemen." Sen. Bernie Sanders will introduce a companion bill when the Senate reconvenes. With the administration and some of its congressional allies toadying to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in a shameless attempt to stabilize international energy markets, this war powers resolution on Yemen couldn’t be more timely.

Prior to the current war, most lawmakers (mistakenly) saw Yemen solely through the lens of counterterrorism. Although the conflict is a result of a coup during Yemen’s post-revolutionary transition in September 2014, Washington has largely bought into the false Gulf narrative that the war was instigated by Iran. The Obama administration began backing Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s military coalition, after it intervened in Yemen’s civil war in 2015. Since then, Washington has provided aerial refueling, targeting intelligence, and U.S. advisers without authorization from Congress.

Since the March 2015 intervention, the Saudi and Emirati-coalition has conducted an aerial and ground military campaign that has relied heavily on U.S. weapons, as well as American logistical and intelligence support. The coalition has also enforced a siege against rebel-held territory in Yemen by blocking its air and sea ports, which has severely hampered the import-reliant economy and catalyzed the spiral of Yemen’s pre-existing humanitarian crisis into what the United Nations has called “the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” 

While Houthi forces abuse those living under their corrupt rule, forcibly recruit child soldiers, and launch mortar shells and missiles into civilian areas, the U.S.-supported, Saudi-led coalition has also engaged in a consistent pattern of airstrikes targeting civilian objects and civilian infrastructure, including a school bus full of children, public markets, weddings, port docks and cranes, funerals, Doctors Without Borders hospitals and other medical facilities, camps for internally displaced people, and boats filled with African refugees. 

These attacks have a direct correlation to the humanitarian crisis, as the destruction of such vital civilian infrastructure has directly hampered humanitarian and commercial import access to the country, which before the conflict imported nearly 90 percent of its food supply. Civilians have borne the brunt of this crisis, with an estimated 337,000 dead as a result of the fighting, starvation, and disease. Despite progress in gaining humanitarian access to previous frontlines during the current truce, three-quarters of the population, nearly 20 million people, are acutely food insecure. 

For years, under three administrations, State Department officials have voiced concern about U.S. complicity, and the potential legal culpability of U.S. personnel in aiding and abetting the coalition’s apparent war crimes. Yet despite the clear humanitarian, strategic, and moral imperatives, three presidents have failed to make meaningful changes to U.S. policy that could help end Yemen’s suffering. 

President Trump had to issue four vetoes to override Congress’ attempt to assert its war powers and to oppose weapons sales to Saudi Arabia and UAE. Among these congressional actions was the first successful invocation of the War Powers Resolution of 1973 for Yemen. Congress passed S.J.Res. 7 in early 2019, directing the president to end all U.S. support for the coalition. It marked the first war powers resolution Congress sent to the president’s desk since the law was passed over President Nixon’s veto in the immediate wake of the U.S. military withdrawal from Vietnam. Congress’s actions throughout the Obama and the Trump administrations effectively made ending U.S. military involvement and support for the coalition’s war in Yemen the unified position of the Democratic Party’s 2020 presidential primary candidates.

In passing its first war powers resolution under Trump, Congress forced a showdown with the executive branch about what actually constitutes war; in passing the Yemen WPR, Congress again concluded that war constitutes much more than just American boots on the ground, but also includes the deployment of advisers, trainers, and intelligence personnel that are helping coordinate the movement of other foreign militaries engaged in active combat. As the Biden administration looks to outsource the forever wars, redeploys troops to Somalia, and ramps up U.S. military involvement in Ukraine, Congress has plenty of opportunities to continue weighing in on the executive branch’s unauthorized wars and start to right-size the balance of powers between the two branches on matters of war and peace.

Those votes on Yemen didn’t materialize out of nowhere, nor were they solely a reaction to the murder and dismemberment of Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in 2018, reportedly on orders of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Khashoggi’s murder and Trump’s attempt to help the `Crown Prince escape accountability certainly contributed to the congressional vote to end U.S. support for the coalition. But years of civil society and activist organizing prompted influential media outlets to start investigating the U.S. role in the conflict and members of Congress to start asking questions and demanding answers. That organizing has not let up, as evidenced by the renewed war powers initiative.

Much about the war in Yemen has changed since Congress last passed a war powers resolution on Yemen in 2019. The war, while still basically a stalemate, has continued to escalate with increasingly sophisticated Houthi ballistic missiles further antagonizing Riyadh, and the coalition predictably responding with disproportionate airstrikes and more apparent war crimes. Rather than face accountability, however, the international community, including some top officials in the Biden administration, have continued to focus on military tactics to manage these tit-for-tat escalations, risking regional stability for an unwinnable war. 

Many civil society activists and members of Congress weren’t expecting to have to rehash this fight with President Biden. On the campaign trail, he promised to make Saudi Arabia “a pariah.” The president used his first foreign policy speech in office to announce that he was ending U.S. military support, including relevant arms sales, for “offensive operations” in Yemen.

Although arms control experts noted that that announcement should have included nearly $36.5 billion in pending weapons sales and transfers to the UAE and Saudi Arabia, Biden has only placed an informal prohibition on the transfer of air-to-ground munitions dropped from fixed wing aircraft. It allowed Trump’s bogus emergency sales to be delivered; Biden failed to reverse the former administration’s 11th-hour transfer of billions more in weaponry to the UAE as part of the Abraham (Arms Deal) Accords. It has even authorized new sales, including the same type of maintenance contracting that a majority in the House of Representatives has voted to restrict multiple times. 

As Team Biden apparently pushes to rehabilitate the very pariah (and Trump family benefactor) he promised had no place being a U.S. ally, this renewed war powers push gives Congress another opportunity to finish the job Rep. Ro Khanna began in the fall of 2017 when he introduced the very first Yemen war powers resolution, H.Con.Res.81. While the United Nations continues its diplomatic push for a longer ceasefire and broader negotiations, this war powers resolution is a means to, once again, pressure both the administration, as well as the Saudi and Emirati monarchies, to seek a final diplomatic resolution to the intervention and broader war.   


Editorial credit: Phil Pasquini / Shutterstock.com
Analysis | Reporting | Middle East
lockheed martin
Top photo credit: The Lockheed Martin Corporation on display during the Seoul International Aerospace and Defense Exhibition(ADEX) 2023 at the Seoul Air Base on October 18, 2023 in Seongnam, south of Seoul. (Photo by Chris Jung/NurPhoto)

Bipartisan bill seeks to put arms sales lobbyists on ice for 3-years

Military Industrial Complex

President Donald Trump announced some $200 billion in potential arms sales to Saudi Arabia and Qatar a week ago — this is huge potential business for major U.S. defense contractors like RTX, Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman and General Atomics, all of which deploy armies of lobbyists in Washington each year to influence such contracts.

A new bipartisan bill dropping this week will impose some of the strictest bans to date to make sure former government officials aren’t lobbying on behalf of those big companies or foreign countries to get their share of this massive federal pie. In fact, the legislation will make it a crime to do so.

keep readingShow less
Lindsey Graham Ukraine Russia
Top photo credit: Sen. Lindsey Graham (U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) speaks outside the White House following the Oval Office meeting between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy and U.S. President Donald Trump, in Washington, D.C., U.S., February 28, 2025. REUTERS/Nathan Howard)

Imposing 500% tariffs on nations that trade with Russia will backfire

Washington Politics

While tariffs make wars more likely, embargoes make wars difficult to avoid. Senator Lindsey Graham’s Sanctioning Russia Act calls for 500% tariffs on dozens of countries and essentially amounts to an embargo.

If this bill were to pass, it would cause an economic calamity on a scale never before seen in our country.

keep readingShow less
Here is why US troops may be in Iraq indefinitely
Top photo credit: Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, appears during a vote in Sudani's cabinet at the parliament in Baghdad, Iraq, October 27, 2022.

Here is why US troops may be in Iraq indefinitely

Middle East

When Arab leaders arrived in Iraq last week for the Arab League Summit, they were greeted by a city determined to impress.

Driving into the city from Baghdad International Airport, they passed the statue marking the spot where, on January 3, 2020, a U.S. drone strike killed Maj. Gen. Qassem Soleimani, commander of Iran’s Quds Force, and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, commander of Iraq’s Kata’ib Hezbollah militia. The strike, carried out on Iraqi soil without the consent of the government, amplified demands for the withdrawal of U.S. and coalition forces.

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.