Follow us on social

Shutterstock_2083145602-scaled

How Putin’s Ukraine war has intensified the nuclear threat

As long as doomsday weapons exist, conventional great power conflict will always carry a risk of their use.

Analysis | Global Crises

Russian President Vladimir Putin announced on Sunday that Russia’s nuclear forces had been placed on a “special regime of combat duty” in response to what he called “illegitimate sanctions” from Western countries in response to his invasion of Ukraine. 

Analysts and the worried public have scrambled to understand what precisely that means. Some have suggested the announcement means that Russia’s nuclear command and control systems have been enabled to transmit launch orders, or that nuclear weapons normally stored separately from their delivery vehicles would be prepared for rapid launch in response to an order. But the announcement has certainly had what was presumably one of its intended effects, increasing anxiety around the possibility that the war in Ukraine might precipitate the use of a nuclear weapon.

The field of armchair Putin psychology has expanded massively in recent years. Even before this latest crisis began, he had taken on an outsize role in U.S. political life during the Trump-Russia scandal, serving as a cipher for those struggling to grasp the political developments that led to Trump’s rise. Combined with the fact that there’s no clear agreement on why Russia chose now to escalate and expand its existing war in Ukraine, it is perhaps understandable that the invasion caught many off guard. We’ve become used to thinking of Putin as an evil political mastermind; starting a pointless and destructive war seems out of character. At least for now, we can’t discern what Russia benefits from having invaded Ukraine the way it did.

Since Russia’s announcement, fears about a potential nuclear escalation have focused on Putin’s personal decision making process: will he or won’t he? Would it be an attack against NATO, making good on veiled threats? Or would it be a smaller strike on the territory of Ukraine, in line with the “escalate-to-deescalate” strategy that some analysts believe Russia espouses, whereby an escalation to nuclear use is meant to shock an adversary into surrendering? When it comes to a planned nuclear escalation, the decision is in Putin’s hands; any insight into the thinking of the person with that authority can seem immensely valuable.

This line of thinking is based on a particular set of scenarios of how a conventional conflict escalates to nuclear use. In these scenarios, there is a well-informed decision to use nuclear weapons as a step, even a disastrous one, in a conflict. But that's not the only way that nuclear use might occur as a consequence of the situation in Ukraine. There remains a very real possibility of an accidental first strike in response to misinterpreted or incorrect intelligence or uncontrolled escalation of a relatively small-scale, conventional military incident.

This possibility haunts U.S.-Russia relations, and has arguably become increasingly likely as expanded routine military operations — particularly air intercepts between NATO Air Policing missions and the Russian air force — have become increasingly relied upon as a “quasi-diplomatic” means of managing a complex relationship. Documented “near misses” provide a chilling suggestion of what accidental escalation to nuclear use could look like.

As long as the United States and Russia maintain crisis communications, there are means to avert this kind of situation. But war can introduce a dangerous ambiguity. Sunday’s announcement that the United States and Russia have put strategic stability talks on hold also suggests that the negative effects of the Ukraine invasion on global nuclear stability will extend beyond the behavior of one very powerful individual.

It will also change longer-term policy conversations around when Russia would be willing to use a nuclear weapon. The range of cases in which Russia would launch a first nuclear attack as articulated in official statements of nuclear doctrine has somewhat narrowed in recent years. Its 2000 nuclear doctrine allowed for the use of nuclear weapons to respond to attacks using nuclear weapons “and other weapons of mass destruction,” against it or its allies, as well as “in response to large-scale aggression utilizing conventional weapons in situations critical to the national security of the Russian Federation;” by 2010, possible nuclear use was reserved for situations when ”the very existence of the state [was] under threat.”

A first strike in response to a chemical or biological attack has been long discussed as a possibility by analysts, but nuclear escalation in response to economic measures — broad-ranging though they may be — represents a new and alarming possibility. Putin has shown himself to be very willing to use all but open threats of nuclear escalation to control NATO’s response to the invasion of Ukraine. But this is just one way in which the invasion sets back the goal of U.S.-Russian progress on arms control and disarmament, and the fragile trust and working relationships that enable that progress.

Very little seems certain about the tragic situation in Ukraine or the future of U.S.-Russia relations. But as long as the status quo around nuclear weapons persists, the real risk of escalation from a regional conflict to a global conflagration will be with us. The difficult question that must be answered is how we build a path out of the darkness of the present moment to a world free from their threat.


Editorial credit: Photographer RM / Shutterstock.com
Analysis | Global Crises
Trump and Keith Kellogg
Top photo credit: U.S. President Donald Trump and Keith Kellogg (now Trump's Ukraine envoy) in 2017. REUTERS/Kevin Lamarque TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY

Trump's silence on loss of Ukraine lithium territory speaks volumes

Europe

Last week, Russian military forces seized a valuable lithium field in the Donetsk region of Ukraine, the latest success of Moscow’s grinding summer offensive.

The lithium deposit in question is considered rather small by industry analysts, but is said to be a desirable prize nonetheless due to the concentration and high-quality of its ore. In other words, it is just the kind of asset that the Trump administration seemed eager to exploit when it signed its much heralded minerals agreement with Ukraine earlier this year.

keep readingShow less
Is the US now funding the bloodbath at Gaza aid centers?
Top photo credit: Palestinians walk to collect aid supplies from the U.S.-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, May 29, 2025. REUTERS/Hatem Khaled/File Photo

Is the US now funding the bloodbath at Gaza aid centers?

Middle East

Many human rights organizations say it should shut down. The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have killed hundreds of Palestinians at or around its aid centers. And yet, the U.S. has committed no less than $30 million toward the controversial, Israel-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF).

As famine-like conditions grip Gaza, the GHF says it has given over 50 million meals to Palestinians at its four aid centers in central and southern Gaza Strip since late May. These centers are operated by armed U.S. private contractors, and secured by IDF forces present at or near them.

keep readingShow less
mali
Heads of state of Mali, Assimi Goita, Niger, General Abdourahamane Tiani and Burkina Faso, Captain Ibrahim Traore, pose for photographs during the first ordinary summit of heads of state and governments of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) in Niamey, Niger July 6, 2024. REUTERS/Mahamadou Hamidou//File Photo

Post-coup juntas across the Sahel face serious crises

Africa

In Mali, General Assimi Goïta, who took power in a 2020 coup, now plans to remain in power through at least the end of this decade, as do his counterparts in neighboring Burkina Faso and Niger. As long-ruling juntas consolidate power in national capitals, much of the Sahelian terrain remains out of government control.

Recent attacks on government security forces in Djibo (Burkina Faso), Timbuktu (Mali), and Eknewane (Niger) have all underscored the depth of the insecurity. The Sahelian governments face a powerful threat from jihadist forces in two organizations, Jama‘at Nusrat al-Islam wa-l-Muslimin (the Group for Supporting Islam and Muslims, JNIM, which is part of al-Qaida) and the Islamic State Sahel Province (ISSP). The Sahelian governments also face conventional rebel challengers and interact, sometimes in cooperation and sometimes in tension, with various vigilantes and community-based armed groups.

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.