Follow us on social

google cta
Shutterstock_2023042205

There is a right and wrong way for the UN to broach climate security

Russia and India's opposition to a new security council resolution wasn't frivolous. There needs to be consensus on the fundamentals.

Analysis | Global Crises
google cta
google cta

Russia vetoed the first-ever draft of an important resolution on climate security at the United Nations Security Council last week. India too voted against the resolution, with China abstaining. 

Climate change will cause greater extreme heat waves, stronger hurricanes, enhance drought and floods, and trigger major migrations. This will likely destabilize societies and states and could sharpen existing rivalries over water and other natural resources. Climate security advocates therefore argue that such impacts have security consequences that need addressing by the UNSC.

The draft resolution asked for the inclusion of climate impacts on peacekeeping and conflict resolution activities of the UN. It also asked the Secretary-General to include climate security impacts in his regular reporting to the Council and submit a report within two years “on the security implications of the adverse effects of climate change.”

These apparently innocuous contents of the draft were not the specific focus of its opponents. Rather their objections were more fundamental. Russia, China, and India questioned links between climate change and conflict, asserted that the UNSC was not a representative enough body to consider the matter. They were particularly worried that the UNSC’s coercive powers could be brought to bear on other states, using climate as an excuse for military interventions. However, 12 of the 15 Council members voted for the resolution, including key sponsor Niger. In all, 113 UN member states indicated their support for the resolution, including many developing countries, while 80 were opposed. 

The divide on climate security in the UN system is not a simple North-South one. Several small island states, existentially threatened by rising sea levels, want robust action on climate security. Important developing states such as Mexico and Bangladesh are also in favor. On the other hand, major middle powers such as India and non-western great powers such as China and Russia remain opposed. China is more amenable to the issue than earlier, but it remains reluctant to join the U.S. and Europe-led coalition.

It’s also crucial to note that the United States is itself deeply divided on the question. The Trump administration opposed any discussion of climate security at the UNSC. Clearly there it is far from a consensus, even within the wealthy states. Rather than taking a moralistic position condemning the draft’s opponents, it would be smarter for the United States and its European partners to first evolve a consensus through dialogue on a minimum set of actions that have wide support domestically, and among the community of nations. 

The elements of such a consensus should acknowledge some of the critics’ points — such as the risks presented by the involvement of the UNSC, and too-wide a definition of climate security. The UN General Assembly may be a more appropriate venue for climate security discussions in the current environment. Washington should also understand that the framework of “strategic competition” it has adopted as the primary approach to China and Russia is unhelpful for bridging climate divides. On the other hand, Russia and its friends need to accept that climate has likely impacts on instability and conflict that will need greater attention in the future. Climate change is simply too important a topic to be held hostage to politicking at the United Nations and elsewhere.


Al-Chibayish, Iraq: A Marsh Arab woman collecting water in the parched wetlands of the Central Marshes of southern Iraq (John Wreford/Shuttertock)
google cta
Analysis | Global Crises
South Africa: Between Iran and a hard place (Donald Trump)
Top photo credit: President Cyril Ramaphosa (Photo: GCIS/Flickr) and Donald Trump (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)

South Africa: Between Iran and a hard place (Donald Trump)

Africa

South Africa is struggling to unfurl its wings as a leading middle power and advance its relations with its fellow BRICS members while keeping out of the cross hairs of the U.S. president. This has been particularly hard considering that one member of the Global South grouping — Iran — is on Donald Trump’s current list of potential military targets.

South Africa joined BRICS in 2006. The organization is supposed to serve as an intergovernmental forum for member countries to connect on issues related to diplomacy, security, and economics. But the bloc has angered President Trump, who sees it as a threat to American leadership, particularly given China’s membership in the group.

keep readingShow less
Trump Khamanei
Top image credit: Bella1105/shutterstock.com

Could Trump bomb Iran before settling on a rationale?

Middle East

Shifting justifications for a war are never a good sign, and they strongly suggest that the war in question was not warranted.

In the Vietnam War, the principal public rationale of saving South Vietnam from communism got replaced in the minds of the warmakers — especially after losing hope of winning the contest in Vietnam — by the belief that the United States had to keep fighting to preserve its credibility. In the Iraq War, when President George W. Bush’s prewar argument about weapons of mass destruction fell apart, he shifted to a rationale centered on bringing freedom and democracy to Iraq.

keep readingShow less
James Holtsnider
Top image credit: James Holtsnider, U.S. President Donald Trump's nominee to be ambassador to Jordan, testifies before a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing on nominations on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., U.S., September 11, 2025. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst

New US ambassador's charm offensive is backfiring in Jordan

Middle East

Since arriving in Amman around three months ago to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to Jordan, James Holtsnider quickly became one of the highest-profile envoys in the Hashemite Kingdom. In addition to presenting his credentials to King Abdullah II, Holtsnider has met with Jordanian soccer players, attended weddings, and joined tribal gatherings.

However, a January 14 request by a U.S. Embassy delegation for the ambassador to offer condolences at the family home of former Karak mayor Abdullah Al-Dmour showed that many Jordanians have little interest in participating in Holtsnider’s public relations initiative. Dmour’s relatives rejected the U.S. ambassador’s wish to visit. Dmour’s tribe issued a statement noting Holtsnider’s request “violates Jordanian tribal customs, which separates the sanctity of mourning from any political presence with public implications.”

keep readingShow less
google cta
Want more of our stories on Google?
Click here to make us a Preferred Source.

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.