Follow us on social

google cta
Shutterstock_687998731-scaled

HR McMaster scorns endless war 'mantra' while pushing for endless war

The former general joins a chorus of calls to stay in Afghanistan indefinitely with broad assumptions that there will be no costs.

Analysis | Reporting | Global Crises
google cta
google cta

Amid the tragic scenes of the swift Taliban takeover of Afghanistan’s capital after the U.S. military withdrawal, mainstream American media outlets have tossed nuance and sober analysis aside and instead turned hysterical, seemingly incapable of distinguishing between the limits of U.S. military power and their understandable desires to help the Afghan people. 

As part of that campaign, news outlets have been promoting the very people who were responsible for pushing the United States into this 20-year quagmire, along with their claims that the U.S. military should stay in Afghanistan indefinitely (in most cases without an examination of the costs that that course of action would entail).

In one of the more brazen examples, H.R. McMaster — a former U.S. Army lieutenant general who spent time as a senior military official in Afghanistan and served at one point as Donald Trump’s national security adviser —   blasted the decision to withdraw from Afghanistan on CNN Monday while calling for the U.S. military to remain there indefinitely. 

“And what's so sad … [is that] it was a sustainable level of commitment, right, this ‘end the endless wars’ mantra,” he said, deriding those who want to end our forever wars. But then in his very next breath, McMaster proposed staying in Afghanistan forever to prop up an endless conflict. “You're talking about 3,500 troops or maybe 8,000 troops. I mean, it really doesn't matter that we’re enabling the Afghans to bear the brunt of the fight.” 

Of course there was no discussion of what that proposal might cost the American or Afghan people.

But recall that McMaster himself, almost a decade ago, provided a rosy assessment of the situation in Afghanistan, all while seeming to acknowledge the permanent roadblock toward stability there: rampant corruption. 

"Our soldiers, airmen, Marines and sailors, working alongside Afghans, have shut down the vast majority of the physical space in which the enemy can operate," McMaster said during an interview with the Wall Street Journal in May 2012. "The question is, how do we consolidate those gains politically and psychologically?"

Later in the interview, McMaster identified the key problem with consolidating military gains, noting that Afghan officials in Kabul were “robbing Afghanistan of much-needed revenue, undermining rule of law, degrading the effectiveness of state institutions, and eroding popular confidence in the government."

But it’s not just McMaster. David Petraeus — former commander of U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan who would later get caught sharing classified information with his mistress — argued on CNN this week that Afghanistan “was not Vietnam,” and called for a “sustained commitment” there. Petraeus didn’t elaborate on how long that commitment would extend, but comments he made to the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction in 2017 suggest that he knows there would be no end date. “I told Congress we wouldn’t be able to flip [Afghanistan] the way we flipped Iraq,” he said. “I had no expectation that we would be able to flip [Afghanistan].”

Cable news this week has featured a cacophony of calls for the U.S. military to remain indefinitely in Afghanistan under the assumption that there would be no substantial cost to doing so. Pundits have pointed to the relatively quiet U.S. military presence there for the past year and a half, forgetting that the Doha peace deal with the Taliban was largely responsible for absence of American casualties or omitting the fact that the war between the Afghan military and security forces and the Taliban was actually intensifying.


National security advisrr H. R. McMaster addresses the press during the White House daily briefing, Friday, May 12, 2017. Photo: Michael Candelori via shutterstock.com
google cta
Analysis | Reporting | Global Crises
Trump corollory
Top image credit: President Donald Trump holds a cabinet meeting, Tuesday, December 2, 2025, in the Cabinet Room of the White House. (Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok)

Trump's 'Monroe Doctrine 2.0' completely misreads Latin America

Latin America

The “Trump Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine, “a common-sense and potent restoration of American power and priorities, consistent with American security interests,” stating that “the American people—not foreign nations nor globalist institutions—will always control their own destiny in our hemisphere,” is a key component of the National Security Strategy 2025 released last week by the Trump administration.

Putting the Western Hemisphere front and center as a U.S. foreign policy priority marks a significant shift from the “pivot to Asia” launched in President Obama’s first term.

keep readingShow less
Doha Forum 2025
Top image credit: a panel discussion during the 23rd edition of the Doha Forum 2025 at the Sheraton Grand Doha Resort & Convention Hotel in Doha, Qatar, on December 6, 2025. (Photo by Noushad Thekkayil/NurPhoto via REUTERS CONNECT

'In Trump we trust': Arab states frustrated with stalled Gaza plan

Middle East

Hamas and Israel are reportedly moving toward negotiating a "phase two" of the U.S.-lead ceasefire but it is clear that so many obstacles are in the way, particularly the news that Israel is already calling the "yellow line" used during the ceasefire to demarcate its remaining military occupation of the Gaza Strip the "new border."

“We have operational control over extensive parts of the Gaza Strip, and we will remain on those defence lines,” said Israeli military chief Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir on Sunday. “The yellow line is a new border line, serving as a forward defensive line for our communities and a line of operational activity.”

keep readingShow less
‘This ain’t gonna work’: How Russia pulled the plug on Assad
Top Image Credit: Syrian President Bashar al-Assad (Harold Escalona / Shutterstock.com)

‘This ain’t gonna work’: How Russia pulled the plug on Assad

Middle East

In early November of last year, the Assad regime had a lot to look forward to. Syrian President Bashar al-Assad had just joined fellow Middle Eastern leaders at a pan-Islamic summit in Saudi Arabia, marking a major step in his return to the international fold. After the event, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who had spent years trying to oust Assad, told reporters that he hoped to meet with the Syrian leader and “put Turkish-Syrian relations back on track.”

Less than a month later, Assad fled the country in a Russian plane as Turkish-backed opposition forces began their final approach to Damascus. Most observers were taken aback by this development. But long-time Middle East analyst Neil Partrick was less surprised. As Partrick details in his new book, “State Failure in the Middle East,” the seemingly resurgent Assad regime had by that point been reduced to a hollowed-out state apparatus, propped up by foreign backers. When those backers pulled out, Assad was left with little choice but to flee.

keep readingShow less
google cta
Want more of our stories on Google?
Click here to make us a Preferred Source.

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.