Follow us on social

Russia-turkey-scaled

Putin and Erdogan shift their power dynamics to Armenia-Azerbaijan

And don't be surprised if the West is cut out of any future resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

Analysis | Asia-Pacific

Despite the current ceasefire, fighting still rages between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh. And somehow, this vicious conflict continues to receive little attention in the West. In Turkey, however, where I’ve lived the past three months, it’s a different story. The continent-spanning country of 82 million is firmly on one side, that of Azerbaijan. 

As the U.S. attempts to broker peace talks between the two nations, the influence of other powers and their deep-seated interests in these areas must be kept in mind. These alliances, which are historically rooted and fully entrenched, have the power to further complicate and amplify an already critical situation. Turkey has been pushing to take a role in negotiations, requesting that along with Russia, they should work together to resolve the conflict. Of course, Turkey’s involvement makes it clear: the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is far bigger than a localized land-dispute. Supporting Azerbaijan allows President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to score domestic points, justifying more intervention abroad. Early anti-Armenian demonstrations in Istanbul have indicated support for Erdogan’s intervention.

Turkey has long been a major supplier of arms to Azerbaijan --- its sales to the country have increased six-fold over the last year, according to one report --- and has trained its forces and conducted joint military exercises as recently as this summer. There have been unconfirmed reports of Turkish-backed forces in Syria being redirected to fight for the Azeris in Nagorno-Karabakh. Unlike its NATO allies demanding a ceasefire, Turkey has firmly declared that it supports Azerbaijan at the negotiating table and on the battlefield

This alliance is due, in part, to Turkey’s strong religious, ethnic and cultural ties to Azerbaijan and partly to tensions with Armenia due to a bloody history that includes the mass deportation and killing of Armenians by Ottoman Turks a century ago. Armenia is also a military ally and close political partner to Russia. Moscow, however, has also sold weapons and maintained ties with Azerbaijan. It has so far not followed through on its obligations under the Collective Security Treaty Organization, which would require a Russian intervention on behalf of Armenia in the event of invasion (Russia has cited that Nagorno-Karabakh is disputed land, not official Armenian territory).

But foreign journalists reported seeing a small Russian military outpost popping up on the Armenian border last week, and many fear the ongoing conflict will pit the two larger powers — Ankara and Moscow — against each other. So far, it appears neither country, currently on opposite sides in Syria and Libya, are willing, yet, to fully extend these power dynamics to another arena.

There is another thread here, indications of a potential effort by both sides to exert influence to the exclusion of Euro-Atlantic intervention, despite their differing interests and commitments across the region. Spurred by a growing nationalism, these nations appear to be seeking to carve and shape the region according to their own rules, excluding the U.S., Europe, and international organizations such as NATO. The current conflict is yet another way to attempt to shift these power dynamics. How do we know? Well, Turkey’s support for Azerbaijan and continued efforts to move negotiation away from Washington D.C. and Brussels and toward Ankara and Moscow, for starters. 

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has already claimed thousands of lives (exact numbers are unclear), and the longer it goes on, the more likely it is to become something broader and more traumatic for the region. In a world of shifting global power dynamics and evolving information, outside influence cannot be ignored. Those seeking to resolve the conflict, such as recent efforts brokered by the U.S. and France, must consider the wider net of national identities. Given the intense influence on attitudes and actions in the region, with the potential to negate or aid attempts to broker peace, watching the next moves of Moscow and Ankara are key to assessing where this might go in the immediate future.  

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict needs to receive attention for the very real suffering it's causing. But, sadly, ending that conflict certainly won't spell the end of the tension that hangs heavily in the air in the region. It'll take much more than that.

Alice Calder is a contributor for Young Voices and TradeVistas, writing on issues in trade, the future of work, and the intersection of economics and culture. Follow her on Twitter @AliceCalder


Analysis | Asia-Pacific
Joe Biden
Top image credit: US President Joe Biden delivers his farewell address to the nation from the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, DC, on January 15, 2025. Photo by Mandel NGAN/Pool/ABACAPRESS.COM via REUTERS

Symposium on Biden's foreign policy: The good, bad & ugly

Washington Politics

Joe Biden's presidency will end at noon on Monday and so will, by many accounts, his disastrous foreign policy. Or was it? Much ink has been spilled about how President Biden handled the wars in Ukraine and Gaza and while we know how many of his decisions played out almost in real time, in some respects, the true outcomes of other choices he made in those conflicts won't be known for some time.

Biden's foreign policy wasn't all bad though. And a lot happened in the world during the last 4 years beyond the aforementioned conflicts. So we asked nearly two dozen experts a question: "Outside of Gaza and Ukraine, name one consequential U.S. foreign policy decision, good or bad, that Joe Biden made as president." See their answers below.

keep readingShow less
Exit stage left: Biden's curious Cuba move
Top photo credit: Miami, Florida. JULY 11, 2021: Cuban exiles rally at Versailles Restaurant in Miami's Little Havana in support of protesters in Cuba. (Shutterstock/FErnando Medina)

Exit stage left: Biden's curious Cuba move

Latin America

President Joe Biden’s January 14 removal of sanctions imposed on Cuba during the first Trump administration could have been a major step toward restarting Barack Obama’s policy of engagement if Biden had done it in his first week as president instead of his last.

But done at the last minute, they are unlikely to have much impact. Two of the three will not even take effect until after Trump’s inauguration.

keep readingShow less
Joe and Jill Biden
Top photo credit: U.S. President Joe Biden walks accompanied by U.S. first lady Jill Biden after delivering remarks on what he calls the "continued battle for the Soul of the Nation" in front of Independence Hall at Independence National Historical Park, Philadelphia, U.S., September 1, 2022. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst

It's over: Biden is last gasp of failed post-Cold War internationalism

Washington Politics

Joe Biden’s place in history is as the man under whom the liberal international order unraveled.

America has suffered bouts of inflation before, and while Biden’s domestic failures will be remembered, they will not stand out as singular. In foreign policy, however, Biden has written the end of a chapter not only in America’s story but in the world’s as well.

keep readingShow less

Trump transition

Latest

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.