Key Global South middle powers India, Indonesia, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Thailand, and the United Arab Emirates declined to sign the joint communique at a summit in Switzerland on resolving the Ukraine war. (Another key middle power Brazil had decided to attend only as an observer.)
These Global South middle powers did not endorse the communique despite the text’s recitation of the importance of “sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity” and food security, both of which are key points of concern and consensus across developing countries in Latin America, Africa, and Asia.
Some of these states have previously voted for U.S.-backed resolutions in the U.N. General Assembly that criticized the violations of territorial integrity by Russia and also cited food security.
These middle powers are skeptical that a summit that excluded Russia, the biggest combatant in the conflict, could achieve a peace deal to end the war. The Indian representative at the summit explained his country’s stance by stating that “only those options acceptable to both parties can lead to abiding peace.” Many of these powers, including India, Brazil, and Saudi Arabia, also have strong economic and/or security relations with Russia, which they will not easily put at risk.
U.S. and Western actions in the Middle East and elsewhere have done serious harm to the task of holding Moscow to account in what was clearly an illegal invasion of Ukraine. Many in the Global South are keenly aware of the double standards at work, and do not wish to be used instrumentally to settle Western scores with Russia.
The gap between the United States and key Global South states will likely persist unless Washington and its allies make a major course correction on two fronts. The first is to address serious deficits and violations in their vaunted “rules-based order” that will make American messaging more credible. The contrasts between the U.S. approach to transgressions of international law in Ukraine and Gaza are too glaring to wish away.
The second is to better take into account the Global South’s interests. While Washington has moved to an extent in this direction through its infrastructure and other initiatives, there is still much ground to cover to get to a more productive, non-zero sum policy toward the Global South.
Sarang Shidore is Director of the Global South Program at the Quincy Institute, and member of the adjunct faculty at George Washington University. He has published in Foreign Affairs and The New York times, among others. Sarang was previously a senior research scholar at the University of Texas at Austin and senior global analyst at the geopolitical risk firm Stratfor Inc.
Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy (C) attends a joint press conference during the Peace Summit in Bürgenstock, Switzerland on June 16, 2024.( The Yomiuri Shimbun via REUTERS )
Top image credit: Palestinians walk next to heavy machinery and an armored vehicle on a damaged street as they leave Jenin camp during an Israeli raid, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, January 22, 2025. REUTERS/Raneen Sawafta
Most attention to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict during the past 15 months has focused on the Gaza Strip, given the devastating Israeli assault that has reduced most of that territory to rubble.
But the larger occupied Palestinian territory — the West Bank, along with what Israel has defined as East Jerusalem — never ceased to be on the front line of the conflict. During those same 15 months, more than 800 Palestinians in the West Bank have been killed by either the Israeli military or Jewish settlers, according to data from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
The Israeli violence against West Bank Palestinians has increased since the start of the recent ceasefire in Gaza. The latest in a series of raids by the Israeli military has centered on the city of Jenin and was described by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as “extensive and significant.” The Palestinian Health ministry reported that eight people were killed and at least 35 injured in just the first few hours of the operation.
Meanwhile, violence by Israeli settlers against Palestinian villagers and their property has risen sharply. In the year following October 2023, the U.N. office recorded more than 1,400 incidents of such violence in the West Bank.
The latest escalation of Israeli violence in the West Bank is connected to the Gaza ceasefire in multiple ways. Netanyahu has been walking a political tightrope in agreeing to the ceasefire while placating right-wing elements in his coalition who want a continued war. Stepping up military operations in the West Bank is one way to keep those elements satisfied while they await a resumption of the destruction in the Gaza Strip.
Increased military action in the West Bank also helps Netanyahu to divert attention from the failure to achieve his declared objective of destroying Hamas.
The availability of military resources is another connection. The Israeli military has been stretched by more than a year of intense operations against Gaza, not to mention Israeli offensives during the past year in Lebanon and Syria. The pause in Gaza enables some of those resources to be redeployed to the West Bank. It is worth remembering that Israeli vulnerability to Hamas’s attack on October 7, 2023, was possibly related to an earlier redeployment of some security forces from southern Israel to the West Bank.
The West Bank always has been—certainly from the Israeli government’s point of view—more important than the Gaza Strip. Gaza has been the open-air prison where much of the Palestinian population could be confined, but the West Bank is a central and prized part of Israeli expansionism. More than 600,000 Jewish Israeli settlers are now living in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, embodying both the expansionism itself and an Israeli determination to make establishment of a Palestinian state unfeasible.
During his first term, Trump reversed decades of U.S. policy by stating that Israeli settlements in the West Bank did not violate international law. With his appointments as well as his rhetoric, Trump has indicated that his second administration will be at least as deferential to the Israeli government on these matters as his first one was.
One of his earliest post-election nominations was former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee to be ambassador to Israel. Huckabee, a Baptist minister and self-declared Zionist, has said that “there’s really no such thing as a Palestinian.” He has repeatedly stated that the West Bank — a descriptor he avoids in favor of the biblical “Judea and Samaria” — belongs to Israel and that “the title deed was given by God to Abraham and to his heirs.”
Trump’s nominee to be ambassador to the United Nations, New York Representative Elise Stefanik, refused to say at her confirmation hearing whether the Palestinian people have a right to self-determination. Stefanik said she agrees with the view that “Israel has a biblical right to the entire West Bank.”
As with many of Trump’s early provocative actions, there is little or no sign of pushback from members of his own party in Congress. Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas, now chairman of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, last month introduced legislation requiring official U.S. documents to refer to “Judea and Samaria” instead of the West Bank, with Cotton saying that “the Jewish people’s legal and historic rights to Judea and Samaria goes [sic] back thousands of years.”
Trump has most directly promoted violence in the West Bank by removing — as one of his Day One rescissions of dozens of Biden administration actions — sanctions on Israeli settlers who have committed violence against Palestinian residents of the West Bank. Possibly for Trump, this was just another reflexive action to undo whatever his Democratic predecessor did, as well as to do anything that he or his followers could bill as “pro-Israel.” But the practical effect is to give a green light to perpetrators of lethal actions, ranging from shootings to arson, that have ruined lives and livelihoods. In most cases the only offense of the victims has been to live in the land where they and their families have lived for centuries.
All these U.S. and Israeli policies are a recipe for increasing the never-ending violence by both sides in the West Bank. Neither military raids nor settler intimidation will lead the Palestinian residents of the territory to roll over and accept their treatment. Resentment from subjugation and apartheid will be amplified by anger over death and destruction.
As with Hamas in the Gaza Strip, even sustained, large-scale military operations by Israel will not kill the will to resist. Hamas itself has called for a “popular mobilization” in the West Bank to oppose the Israeli military escalation there as well as to resist the violence by settlers. Also as in the Gaza Strip, the will to resist will mean recruitment of more fighters to replace the ones Israel manages to kill.
The ill consequences of the violence include still more suffering beyond what the residents of the West Bank have already endured. The violence also is an additional destabilizing factor in the wider region — especially in next-doorJordan, with its large Palestinian-origin population.
For the United States, the ill consequences include resentment and anger—which can take various forms, including anti-American terrorism—stemming from close association with inhumane Israeli treatment of the Palestinians. The United States already is paying a price in this regard from being associated with the carnage in Gaza. The price will rise the more that the West Bank is swept into the same unseemly picture.
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Top Photo: Yousef Masoud / SOPA Images/Sipa via Reuters Connect
The ceasefire in Gaza is not yet a week old, and Washington is already sending private U.S. security contractors to help operate checkpoints, a decision that one former military officer told RS is a “bad, bad idea.”
This will be the first time since 2003 that American security contractors have been in the strip. At that time, three private American contractors were killed by a roadside bomb while providing security for a diplomatic mission in Gaza.
Axios reports that two U.S. security companies will operate as part of a multi-national group, as laid out in the Gaza cease-fire deal, and Israel and Hamas have already approved them, as required by the deal.
The contractors will be inspecting vehicles that are moving into northern Gaza via the Netzarium corridor to ensure that no heavy weapons enter that part of the territory.
Israel had previously considered using security companies to distribute aid to Palestinians in Gaza last year as the Knesset was discussing banning the United Nations relief organization, UNRWA.
The Qatari government will likely fund the security forces. An Egyptian security company has also been selected for the mission. Safe Reach Solutions is one of the American companies providing security assistance and is credited with drawing up the plan. The other company, UG Solutions, is known for employing former soldiers from American and foreign special forces, according to Axios.
As part of the deal, these contractors will likely remain in Gaza during the first phase of the cease-fire, which is expected to last six weeks. Critics are already raising alarms about the potential safety issues.
“This is a bad, bad idea. This is a cauldron of angry people who are quite hostile towards Americans because most of the bombs that have fallen on Gazans have been U.S. provided,” said Lt Col. (retired) Daniel L. Davis.
“Gaza has been turned into a moonscape by Israeli Defense Forces actions, and thus any operation inside the Strip going forward should be IDF, not American,” Davis added. “The chances that angry Palestinians may target and kill Americans are uncomfortably high, in my view. Nothing good will come of this.”
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Top Image Credit: Donald Trump (White House photo)
Newly re-instated President Donald Trump floated the idea of an American “Iron Dome” missile defense system at last night’s Commander-in-Chief inaugural ball.
“We will again build the most powerful military the world has ever seen,” Trump proclaimed. “We're …doing the Iron Dome, all made in America. We're going to have a nice iron dome. We are going to protect us with the use of the Iron Dome.”
Trump’s called for the Dome elsewhere, saying last month at a rally in Phoenix that he will “direct [the] military to begin construction of the great Iron Dome missile defense shield, which will be made all in the USA.”
While Trump has not provided any specifics, an American Iron Dome would presumably be modeled on the operational Israeli “Iron Dome” missile defense system, which intercepts and eliminates incoming projectile threats with missiles. Notably, American taxpayers have already contributed substantively to the Israeli project, with almost $3 billion towards its production, equipment, and maintenance since 2011.
But Israel’s Iron Dome, where missiles must be able to hit projectiles anywhere in Israel’s air space, is difficult to maintain and can be overwhelmed by volleys of intensive attacks. And it’s extremely expensive: a singular Iron Dome missile costs about $50,000 to produce.
Considering the sheer size of the United States, applying the same project to American borders, if even possible, would be an extremely expensive endeavor. And considering the low risk of a substantive aerial attack to the United States, it’s a wasteful one.
What's more, Iron Dome's not properly equipped to take on long-range intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM), the weapon most likely to be employed in an aerial attack.
"The most likely nuclear threat to the United States would be a long-range intercontinental ballistic missile which would travel at incredible speeds above the atmosphere and re-enter to hit target in the United States,” says William Hartung, a Senior Research Fellow at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. “The Iron Dome system used by Israel has zero capability to intercept an ICBM. And efforts to build a system that can have spent tens, if not hundreds, of billions of dollars over the last 40 years — only to produce systems that can't pass a realistic test.”
“A crash program for Iron Dome will be great for arms contractors, but will do nothing to improve U.S. defenses," Hartung explains.
The U.S. military budget already sits at about $850 billion, a significant increase from the $700 billion budget from only three years ago. It’s high time to reconsider whether gargantuan military-might projects like Iron Dome are in our interest.
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