Follow us on social

google cta
Petraeus Ukraine counteroffensive CNN

Why blind optimism leads us astray on Ukraine

The pre-counteroffensive debate in the US was dominated by claims of 'victory' and 'success' despite available evidence predicting it wouldn't meet key goals.

Analysis | Washington Politics
google cta
google cta

The Washington Post reported recently that U.S. intelligence officials do not believe the Ukrainian military will achieve a key goal set out at the launch of its counteroffensive against Russian occupying forces back in June — reaching the southeastern city of Melitipol and cutting off Russia’s access to Crimea by land.

While the counteroffensive has achieved some recent successes — including piercing Moscow’s first line of multi-echeloned defensive positions and taking a key village — the Wall Street Journal reported last week that “there is no sign of a collapse in Russian lines.”

In fact, most recent mainstream reporting on the status of the offensive has been similarly dour, which might come as a surprise to anyone paying attention to predictions from the American pundit class shortly before the Ukrainian counteroffensive began.

Despite reports at the time quoting U.S. intelligence predicting that the upcoming Ukrainian offensive would result only in “modest territorial gains,” and fall “well short” of Kyiv’s goals, many lawmakers, experts, and pundits had a much more confident take. In fact, several senior officials openly suggested that the Ukrainian operations would be a rousing success, while others said it would lead to an all-out victory, expelling the Russians out of occupied Ukraine and perhaps even Crimea.

“I expect major gains in the coming days and weeks,” said Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) — one of Ukraine’s most hyperbolic supporters — during a May 28 interview on Fox News. “I think they can expel Russia from Ukraine.”

The Russians are “in for a rude awakening” he said a couple days later. “In the coming days, you’re going to see a pretty impressive display of power by the Ukrainians.”

Indeed, Graham’s rosy assessments were just the tip of the overly optimistic grandstanding iceberg from that time. Here’s a brief — albeit not comprehensive — sample of what we heard about the upcoming counteroffensive last spring from not just expert pundits, but also top U.S. officials, despite their presumed knowledge of more sober U.S. intelligence predictions:

  • Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin: “I think Ukraine will have a very good chance of success.” [03/28/23]
  • National security adviser Jake Sullivan: “We believe that the Ukrainians will meet with success in this counteroffensive.” [06/04/23]
  • NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg: “I’m confident that when Ukraine decides to launch new operations to liberate more land, Ukraine will be successful.” [4/21/23]
  • Former CIA Director, Gen. David Petraeus (ret.): "I personally think that this is going to be really quite successful. .. And [the Russians] are going to have to withdraw under pressure of this Ukrainian offensive, the most difficult possible tactical maneuver, and I don't think they're going to do well at that." [05/23/23] “I think that this counteroffensive is going to be very impressive.” [06/03/23]
  • Retired U.S. Army Gen. Ben Hodges: “I actually expect, however, that [the Ukrainians] will be quite successful.” [05/12/23]
  • Historian Edward Luttwak: “If Kyiv and the West are looking for the most plausible path to victory, this is it.” [05/11/23]
  • Atlantic Council non-resident fellow Richard Hooker: “As we are often told, no plan survives contact with the enemy. There will likely be the occasional tactical miscue or operational hiccup during the coming counteroffensive, but a careful assessment suggests the odds are heavily in favor of Ukraine.” [05/23/23]
  • Former Chief of the British General Staff, General Richard Dannatt: “[A]fter Kyiv's successful counteroffensive, Vladimir Putin ‘may be swept out of the Kremlin.’” [03/28/23]
  • Paul Massaro, senior policy adviser, the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe: “Full Ukrainian victory is coming. Sooner than you think.” [06/12/23]

It’s hard to square these hopeful, borderline fanciful analyses with what we knew at that time. In fact, there were plenty of other experts offering more balanced forecasts of what was to come with Ukraine’s counteroffensive.

For example, the Quincy Institute’s George Beebe wrote back in April that available evidence at that time “paint[s] a much bleaker picture of Kyiv’s prospects in the war than the White House has acknowledged.” He added that that evidence depicts “manning and training levels for Ukraine’s much anticipated counter-offensive that inspire little confidence it will produce a decisive breakthrough against reinforced Russian defenses.”

Good policy requires good information, particularly when it comes to war and peace. Unfortunately, the commentariat in U.S. media and beyond hasn’t been providing very informed analysis when it comes to the war in Ukraine.

Analysts should separate what they might want to happen with what — from a more objective point of view — is more likely to actually happen. Too often, experts are offering rosy predictions of Ukrainian military operations where most available evidence suggests otherwise.

And as these unfounded optimistic predictions pile up, so too does American support both among the public and policymakers to pour more weapons and money into — what should look like to anyone taking a sober look at realities on the ground — a protracted stalemate or perhaps worse.

Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Mike Milley was shouted down last November when he suggested that perhaps Ukraine and its Western allies had a decent window of opportunity to negotiate an end to the war. While he has said more recently that it’s too early to assess whether the Ukrainian counteroffensive has been a success (albeit without defining success), he also maintained that kicking all Russian forces out of Ukraine via solely military means “is going to be very, very difficult and challenging.”

“A different way of going at it is through negotiations,” he said last week. “And maybe that’ll happen too.”

But if more objective assessments of the war in Ukraine continue to be drowned out by this same kind of emotion-based, wishful-thinking commentary and analysis, maybe it won’t.


Image: Screengrab via youtube.com/user/CNN

google cta
Analysis | Washington Politics
US Palestine Peace Gaza
Top photo credit : Shutterstock

Congress, you have a chance to implement Trump Gaza plan right

Middle East

Weeks have passed since the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2803, endorsing a U.S.-backed plan that creates a “Board of Peace” to run Gaza for at least two years and authorizes a new International Stabilization Force (ISF) to secure the territory after a ceasefire.

Supporters call it a diplomatic breakthrough. For many Palestinians, it looks like something else: Oslo with helmets, heavy on security, light on rights, and controlled from outside.

keep readingShow less
I was canceled by three newspapers for criticizing Israel
Top image credit: dennizn and miss.cabul via shutterstock.com

I was canceled by three newspapers for criticizing Israel

Media

As a freelance writer, I know I have to produce copy that meets the expectations of editors and management. When I write opinion pieces, I know well that my arguments should closely align with the publication’s general outlook. But I’ve always believed that if my views on any particular topic diverged from an outlet I’m writing for, it was acceptable to express those viewpoints in other publications.

But I’ve recently discovered that this general rule does not apply to criticism of Israel.

keep readingShow less
Trump corollory
Top image credit: President Donald Trump holds a cabinet meeting, Tuesday, December 2, 2025, in the Cabinet Room of the White House. (Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok)

Trump's 'Monroe Doctrine 2.0' completely misreads Latin America

Latin America

The “Trump Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine, “a common-sense and potent restoration of American power and priorities, consistent with American security interests,” stating that “the American people—not foreign nations nor globalist institutions—will always control their own destiny in our hemisphere,” is a key component of the National Security Strategy 2025 released last week by the Trump administration.

Putting the Western Hemisphere front and center as a U.S. foreign policy priority marks a significant shift from the “pivot to Asia” launched in President Obama’s first term.

keep readingShow less
google cta
Want more of our stories on Google?
Click here to make us a Preferred Source.

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.