Follow us on social

Shutterstock_531943417-scaled

Will the war in Ukraine inevitably freeze?

With the conflict more likely than not headed for stalemate, how long can the US maintain support in the absence of negotiations?

Analysis | Europe

The war in Ukraine is in its twelfth month and shows no sign of ending. On the contrary, the war is escalating on the battlefronts of Donbas and against civilians in cities throughout Ukraine. The carnage is destroying the country, devastating its utilities infrastructure, threatening nuclear power generation facilities, and claiming thousands more casualties on both sides.

Ukraine and its supporters are aiming to defeat Russia and expel its forces from Ukraine. Both sides seem to be preparing for major blitzes in the spring.

Eventually, however, the warring sides will exhaust their human and material resources and will realize that the cost of any pyrrhic victory in terms of minor territorial gains is too high, and the war will peter out to a halt with a de facto cessation of fighting, in essence a “frozen conflict.” Without a peace agreement, reconstruction of Ukraine will remain stalled, and the war will likely resume at will, intermittently. Moreover, Europe will remain divided with a new Iron Curtain.

The alternative, an immediate ceasefire with follow up peace negotiations requiring difficult compromises from all sides and support in terms of important Western incentives could be within reach. Admittedly, this will be challenging.

Ukraine is unlikely to sign a ceasefire or peace agreement if the outcome will include loss of territory, temporary or long-term. Public opinion in Ukraine is firmly against any territorial concession. Moreover, justifiably, Ukraine and its supporters want Russia punished for the aggression, assessed reparations, and saddled with continuing Western sanctions. Armed with nuclear weapons, pariah Russia will remain a source of instability globally.

Ukraine maintains it must defeat Russia and expel the invading forces from all of Ukraine, regardless of the humanitarian and economic costs. Ukraine holds long-standing, visceral grudges against Russia and its predecessor the Soviet Union for atrocities committed going back decades. The 1932-33 famine and Holodomor in Ukraine engineered by the Soviets is one example. Understandably, avenging historic wrongs and current war crimes are major driving forces for Ukrainians.

Proposals to end the war have fallen on deaf ears. Any compromise on Ukraine’s territorial integrity is equated with appeasement. Both sides are wrongly convinced that continuing the war can lead to a better alternatives than a negotiated agreement.

An idea to avoid endless war in Ukraine was proposed in an article here in December, suggesting an arrangement under which the occupied territories of Ukraine either would be placed under a UN administration or Ukraine and Russia would share “ownership” as a condominium. The proposal was based in part on a model imposed on the northern district of Brcko in Bosnia and Herzegovina following the Dayton Agreement, with the territorial “ownership” of the district shared by Republica Srbska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the two ethnic entities that make up the country, and an independent administration of Brcko under international supervision.

However, the Brcko model was not negotiated, it was imposed on the parties by a Dayton mandated international arbitration decision and enforced by NATO forces. I proposed the Brcko model when I was the director of the International Crisis Group mission in Bosnia (1998). The international arbitrator at the time, Roberts Owen, adopted the proposed model and turned it into a binding arbitration decision.

In August, I suggested in an article an immediate ceasefire and postponement of territorial issues to later long-term negotiations under international auspices, and an eventual peace treaty that would require compromises. This proposal, including eventual EU and possibly NATO membership, failed to motivate peace negotiations. Other similar proposals have failed to convince the belligerent parties as well.

The United States, capable of persuading Ukraine to accept compromises, including a limited defeat of Russia, has been reluctant to press for negotiations, deferring the decision to negotiate to the Ukrainian government.

However, four scenarios could force the Biden administration, albeit reluctantly, to press Ukraine for urgent ceasefire and peace negotiations: (1) if the battlefield situation in Ukraine turns in Russia’s favor and Ukraine faces a prospect of more territorial losses; (2) if Russia’s nuclear threat becomes imminent; (3) if China makes a military move against Taiwan. With the buildup of Russian forces and preparations for a spring offensive, and more military aid to Ukraine, the war trajectory and scenario 1 remain uncertain. Fortunately, scenarios 2 and 3 are not likely to materialize.

A fourth scenario emerged in the past month with the Republican takeover of the U.S. House of Representatives. Immediately after taking office in January, Republican leaders threatened to use debt ceiling increase discussions, likely before June 2023, to extract budget cuts. Concerns about high military expenditures in general and support to Ukraine are on the minds of Biden administration leaders. In December 2022, Congress allocated $45 billion aid to Ukraine for the current fiscal year ending in October (this, in addition to the $68 billion aid to Ukraine in 2022). Given the current toxic atmosphere in Washington, open ended and massive aid to Ukraine cannot be guaranteed, especially if aid is still needed beyond the current fiscal year.

As the principal funder of Ukraine’s war effort, a significant reduction of U.S. aid is likely to give Russia an advantage on the battlefield. To preempt such a turn, the Biden administration could seize the initiative and together with its allies offer substantial incentives and disincentives to both Ukraine and Russia to end the war with an immediate ceasefire deal and start negotiations for a peace agreement. The incentives must include accelerated EU membership for Ukraine, possibly NATO membership to deter Russia from resuming the war, and generous funds for compensation, reconstruction, and re-development of Ukraine.

Incentives must be on the table for Russia as well, including conditional sanctions easing and relief against Russian forces withdrawing from at least parts of the occupied territories. NATO membership of Ukraine would be the price that Russia might have to endure. That, of course, will be hotly debated.

If the United States, EU, and NATO allies are unable to overcome the barriers for a negotiated end of the war any time soon, the war is likely to continue unabated for the foreseeable future, gradually destroying what is left of Ukraine, claiming tens of thousands more casualties on both sides, and sending more refugees to neighboring countries. Suffice it to remember that, in the absence of international peacemaking, the Iran-Iraq war went on for eight years in the 1980s, claiming millions of lives.

Eventually, however, when the sides realize victory is too costly and is not possible, the war will come to a halt with a de facto ceasefire, but without a peace agreement. A “frozen conflict” would be an undesirable outcome as none of the drivers of the conflict between Ukraine and Russia or the West and Russia would have been addressed, and the war is likely to resume at will and intermittently.

Regardless of the prospects for a ceasefire and a peace agreement in the foreseeable future, the United States and its allies should engage in dialogue with Russia on a framework for post-war European and global security architecture. Dialogue is also needed with Ukraine to urge acceptance of a limited Russian defeat and withdrawal possibly from parts of the occupied territories. Dialogue at this level could encourage eventual Russia-Ukraine negotiations. The UN, absent to date in Ukraine peacemaking, must be part of the dialogue and must assume a significant role during the post-war peacebuilding phase.


Photo: didkovsky via shutterstock.com
Analysis | Europe
Daniel Noboa, Xi Jinping
Top photo credit: Beijing, China.- In the photos, Chinese President Xi Jinping (right) and his Ecuadorian counterpart, Daniel Noboa (left), during a meeting in the Great Hall of the People, the venue for the main protocol events of the Chinese government on June 26, 2025 (Isaac Castillo/Pool / Latin America News Agency via Reuters Connect)

Why Ecuador went straight to China for relief

Latin America

Marco Rubio is visiting Mexico and Ecuador this week, his third visit as Secretary of State to Latin America.

While his sojourn in Mexico is likely to grab the most headlines given all the attention the Trump administration has devoted to immigration and Mexican drug cartels, the one to Ecuador is primarily designed to “counter malign extra continental actors,” according to a State Department press release.The reference appears to be China, an increasingly important trading and investment partner for Ecuador.

keep readingShow less
US Capitol
Top image credit: Lucky-photographer via shutterstock.com

Why does peace cost a trillion dollars?

Washington Politics

As Congress returns from its summer recess, Washington’s attention is turning towards a possible government shutdown.

While much of the focus will be on a showdown between Senate Democrats and Donald Trump, a subplot is brewing as the House and Senate, led by Republicans but supported by far too many Democrats, fight over how big the Pentagon’s budget should be. The House voted to give Trump his requested trillion dollar budget, while the Senate is demanding $22 billion more.

keep readingShow less
Yemen Ahmed al-Rahawi
Top image credit: Funeral in Sana a for senior Houthi officials killed in Israeli strikes Honor guard hold up a portraits of Houthi government s the Prime Minister Ahmed al-Rahawi and other officials killed in Israeli airstrikes on Thursday, during a funeral ceremony at the Shaab Mosque in Sanaa, Yemen, 01 September 2025. IMAGO/ via REUTERS

Israel playing with fire in Yemen

Middle East

“The war has entered a new phase,” declared Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a senior official in Yemen’s Ansar Allah movement, after Israeli jets streaked across the Arabian Peninsula to kill the group’s prime minister and a swathe of his cabinet in Yemen’s capital, Sana’a.

The senior official from Ansar Allah, the movement commonly known as the Houthis, was not wrong. The strike, which Israel’s Defense Minister Israel Katz promised was “just the beginning,” signaled a fundamental shift in the cartography of a two-year war of attrition between the region’s most technologically advanced military and its most resilient guerrilla force.

The retaliation was swift, if militarily ineffective: missiles launched towards Israel disintegrated over Saudi Arabia. Internally, a paranoid crackdown ensued on perceived spies. Houthi security forces stormed the offices of the World Food Programme and UNICEF, detaining at least 11 U.N. personnel in a sweep immediately condemned by the U.N. Secretary General.

The catalyst for this confrontation was the war in Gaza, unleashed by Hamas’s October 7 attacks on Israel, which provided the Houthis with the ideological fuel and political opportunity to transform themselves. Seizing the mantle of Palestinian solidarity — a cause their leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, frames as a “sacrifice in the cause of God Almighty ” — they graduated from a menacing regional actor into a global disruptor, launching missiles toward Israel just weeks after Hamas’s attacks and holding one of the world’s most vital shipping lanes hostage.

The chessboard was dangerously rearranged in May, when the Trump administration, eager for an off-ramp from a costly and ineffective air campaign, brokered a surprise truce with the Houthis. Mediated by Oman, the deal was simple: the U.S. would stop bombing Houthi targets, and the Houthis would stop attacking American ships. President Trump, in his characteristic style, claimed the Houthis had “capitulated” while also praising their “bravery.”

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.