Follow us on social

google cta
Shutterstock_1828697954-scaled

How the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict is playing out in Washington

As the conflict re-erupted in recent weeks, a complex web of lobbying on both sides has kicked into gear hoping to extract US support.

Reporting | Washington Politics
google cta
google cta

As the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan rages in the South Caucasus, an army of lobbyists is being paid millions to make sure the United States picks a side.

Most Americans know little about the conflict between the two post-Soviet republics, which flared up again on September 27 after a years-long ceasefire broke down. But a well-paid Azerbaijani and Turkish lobby is facing off against a well-organized Armenian diaspora to push the United States to back their side.

And their battles have led to a contradiction in U.S. policy: Congress leans towards Armenia, while the executive branch continues to funnel hundreds of millions of dollars in military aid to Azerbaijan.

The two countries have been in conflict since the fall of the Soviet Union, when the newly-independent nations went to war over the Armenian-majority Azerbaijani province of Karabakh. Both sides committed war crimes; around 257,000 Armenians and 1 million Azeris had to flee their homes, according to the United Nations.

Armenian forces eventually won control of Karabakh. The conflict has been frozen since 1994, with decades of diplomatic negotiations punctuated by violent outbursts along the line of contact. Large-scale fighting resumed last month, as Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev vows to conquer Karabakh “either via peace or by war.”

Both sides have appealed to Americans for help over the years, especially as the United States (along with France and Russia) is overseeing the international peace process.

“There’s one side that is more democratic than the other side,” Armenian National Committee of America executive director Aram Hamparian told Responsible Statecraft. “The same is true, we think in terms of corruption. The same is true in terms of commitment to the peace process.”

Azerbaijani Ambassador Elin Süleymanov disagrees.

“Armenia today is the last relic of the Soviet Union. It’s not really an independent country,” he said in a Thursday speech to the Jewish Institute for National Security of America. “Azerbaijan is not necessarily that different from Israel or the United States.”

Azerbaijan has long sought to portray itself as a pro-Western, pro-Israel, oil-rich Muslim outpost in the former Soviet Union. This public relations campaign is backed by big money: the Azerbaijan government spent nearly $1.3 million on U.S. lobbyists last year, as first reported in The American Conservative yesterday.

Turkey, a close ally of Azerbaijan and rival of Armenia, also boasts many friends in Washington, particularly among Russia hawks who see Turkey as NATO’s easternmost flank. The Turkish government spent $3.6 million on lobbying last year, according to the FARA records.

Armenia spent zero dollars on lobbying in the same period of time.

Instead, the Armenian-American community is “deploying the cultural, social, and political capital” they have accumulated over decades, Hamparian said. “The Armenian-American community has been here for a hundred years. My family has been here for a hundred years.”

Armenian-American celebrities such as the singer Cher, the Kardashian family, and the rock band System of a Down have drawn attention to the Armenian narrative. It is a compelling one indeed: Armenia is a scrappy underdog, a nation of genocide survivors who have prevailed against large empires to forge a young democracy.

Armenians have had their biggest successes in Congress. Congress’s Armenia Caucus currently has 117 members, compared to 101 members in the Turkey Caucus and only 26 members in the Azerbaijan Caucus.

This year alone, the Armenian-American lobby has secured support for demining assistance to Karabakh and intelligence monitoring along the Azerbaijan-Karabakh border. 

Azerbaijan has had much more success with the executive branch.

“The two ways you move a member of the House on foreign policy is one, by having a large diaspora in their district, or two, by creating a sense of moral black and white,” a staffer for a progressive Democrat who asked not to be named told Responsible Statecraft, but “the State Department — they respond to different pressures than us.”

Section 907 of the 1992 Freedom Support Act restricts U.S. military aid to Azerbaijan, but the President has waived those restrictions every year since 9/11. Azerbaijan continues to receive over $100 million per year in U.S. security aid, while Armenia has received almost none in recent years.

One of the biggest drivers is Azerbaijan’s geographic position in between Russia and Iran, which became especially important for the so-called “War on Terror,” when Azerbaijan opened up a supply route to Afghanistan for U.S. forces. 

Azerbaijan has also allowed Israeli forces access to its bases — alarming U.S. military planners concerned with an Iran-Israel war — and accuses Iran of fomenting terrorist attacks on Azerbaijani soil.

Israel, in return, buys Azerbaijani oil and sells weapons to Azerbaijan. Azerbaijani forces have been deploying Israeli-made Harop “suicide drones” against Armenian forces to devastating effect, much to Armenia’s chagrin.

The Azerbaijani lobby uses this relationship to harness the energies of the pro-Israel lobby. Süleymanov had been invited to speak on Thursday by a right-wing, pro-Israel think tank, and his pitch leaned heavily on the Israeli-Azerbaijani relationship.

The ambassador emphasized that Azerbaijan has the “largest Jewish community in the Muslim world,” and repeatedly compared Armenia’s propaganda and military tactics to those used against Israel.

Despite some disconcerting statements — Süleymanov ended his speech with a tirade about internet trolls conspiring to “to push Armenian propaganda under Jewish names” and “create a misperception that Jews [are] somehow upset about Azerbaijan” — his speech seemed well-received.

Armenian advocates like Hamparian warn their pro-Israel counterparts that Turkey was also once seen as a Muslim ally of Israel, and has since turned against it.

“If they wonder where the relationship with [Azerbaijani President Ilham] Aliyev will go, they only need to look at what happened with [Turkish President Recep Tayyip] Erdoğan,” he said.

But for now, the Azerbaijani lobby continues to lean on the pro-Israel lobby.

A staffer for a progressive member of Congress who asked not to be named showed Responsible Statecraft an email from registered Azerbaijani lobbyist Mark Tavlarides. The email simply quotes a Twitter thread by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee emphasizing Azerbaijan’s role in the Arab-Israeli peace process.

Now that the violence has erupted again, Azerbaijani and Armenian lobbying efforts have become even more urgent.

The unnamed staffer showed Responsible Statecraft several other letters their office has received over the past few days, including letters from the American Chamber of Congress in Azerbaijan and the Turkish Embassy in Washington supporting the “territorial integrity of Azerbaijan,” and an email from the Armenian National Committee of America asking for “crippling sanctions” against Azerbaijan.

Their appeals have landed in predictable ways over the past few weeks.

Members of both parties in the Senate and House of Representatives have condemned Azerbaijani actions and called for an end to military aid for Azerbaijan.

The State Department has not entertained that idea.

“We’ve urged everyone to just stay out of this other than to urge that there be a ceasefire and that dialogue be the methodology by which order is restored, peace is restored,” Secretary of State Mike Pompeo told reporters on October 2. “We’ve certainly communicated that to both the Azerbaijanis and Armenian leaders, and to the Turks as well.”


Image: Kachor Valentyna / Shutterstock.com
google cta
Reporting | Washington Politics
Trump Venezuela
Top image credit: President Donald Trump monitors U.S. military operations in Venezuela, from Mar-a-Lago Club in Palm Beach, Florida, on Saturday, January 3, 2026. (Official White House Photo by Molly Riley)

Geo-kleptocracy and the rise of 'global mafia politics'

Global Crises

“As everyone knows, the oil business in Venezuela has been a bust, a total bust, for a long period of time. … We're going to have our very large United States oil companies, the biggest anywhere in the world, go in, spend billions of dollars, fix the badly broken infrastructure, the oil infrastructure, and start making money for the country,” said President Donald Trump the morning after U.S. forces invaded Caracas and carried off the indicted autocrat Nicolàs Maduro.

The invasion of Venezuela on Jan. 3 did not result in regime change but rather a deal coerced at the barrel of a gun. Maduro’s underlings may stay in power as long as they open the country’s moribund petroleum industry to American oil majors. Government repression still rules the day, simply without Maduro.

keep readingShow less
Russian icebreakers
Top photo credit: Russian nuclear powered Icebreaker Yamal during removal of manned drifting station North Pole-36. August 2009. (Wikimedia Commmons)

Trump's Greenland, Canada threats reflect angst over Russia shipping

North America

Like it or not, Russia is the biggest polar bear in the arctic, which helps to explain President Trump’s moves on Greenland.

However, the Biden administration focused on it too. And it isn’t only about access to resources and military positioning, but also about shipping. And there, the Russians are some way ahead.

keep readingShow less
Iran nuclear
Top image credit: An Iranian cleric and a young girl stand next to scale models of Iran-made ballistic missiles and centrifuges after participating in an anti-U.S. and anti-Israeli rally marking the anniversary of the U.S. embassy occupation in downtown Tehran, Iran, on November 4, 2025.(Photo by Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via REUTERS CONNECT)

Want Iran to get the bomb? Try regime change

Middle East

Washington is once again flirting with a familiar temptation: the belief that enough pressure, and if necessary, military force, can bend Iran to its will. The Trump administration appears ready to move beyond containment toward forcing collapse. Before treating Iran as the next candidate for forced transformation, policymakers should ask a question they have consistently failed to answer in the Middle East: “what follows regime change?”

The record is sobering. In the past two decades, regime change in the region has yielded state fragmentation, authoritarian restoration, or prolonged conflict. Iraq remains fractured despite two decades of U.S. investment. Egypt’s democratic opening collapsed within a year. Libya, Syria, and Yemen spiraled into civil wars whose spillover persists. In each case, removing a regime proved far easier than constructing a viable successor. Iran would not be the exception. It would be the rule — at a scale that dwarfs anything the region has experienced.

keep readingShow less
google cta
Want more of our stories on Google?
Click here to make us a Preferred Source.

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.