Follow us on social

Egypt-scaled

Trump's mass protest response comes straight out of the Middle Eastern dictator's handbook

You're not wrong if you're thinking that Trump's handling of the protests across the country in the wake of George Floyd's murder seems very familiar.

Analysis | Washington Politics

In the pursuit of its geopolitical and economic interests, the United States has repeatedly supported the oppressive strategies of dictatorial governments abroad when these regimes have been challenged by widespread popular protests. In no region is this trend more apparent than the broader Middle East.

For decades, the United States has supported, funded, and often directly facilitated repressive tactics and oppressive strategies employed by different governments across the Middle East in places such as Saudi Arabia, Israel and Palestine, Bahrain, and others. Such U.S. efforts have reached new heights under the administration of Donald Trump, who has, for example, praised Egyptian President Abdel Fatah El-Sisi as his “favorite dictator,” stood in staunch support of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman following the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, and supported illegal Israeli settlement expansion deeper into the occupied West Bank.

As protests continue to spread within the United States following the death of George Floyd due to police brutality, it appears that the strategies supported by America abroad — as well as tactics honed by various autocrats after years of repressing their own populations — are increasingly finding their way home to the United States.

Dictators often learn from one another. It appears that Donald Trump is not only beginning to adopt domestically the repressive strategies often supported by the U.S. abroad, but is also taking cues from the repressive playbooks of various Middle Eastern autocrats.

The rhetoric and actions adopted by the Trump administration following the murder of George Floyd eerily parallels the repressive tactics and deliberately divisive discourse advanced by autocratic regimes within the broader Middle East following the 2011 Arab Uprisings. Beyond these parallels, governmental elites often learn from other countries when considering how to best silence opposition and alternative narratives, while striving to ultimately preserve their own authority.

Employing strategies similar to those used by dictatorial governments in places such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Bahrain, and others, Donald Trump has increasingly expanded the repertoire of his coercive policies and rhetoric following the eruption of protests across the United States. Although the comparison between these cases certainly has its limitations — concerning differences in regime types, the differing scale of the protests, and the varying underlying grievances and demands of those protesting — juxtaposing these two cases will help exemplify the foundational strategies different governments employ to silence opposition, regardless of geography, culture, or religion.

The first parallel is the utilization of a militarized police force to quell the protests via intimidation and various subversive tactics. As was observed during the Arab Uprisings, security services in the United States have similarly been filmed indiscriminately firing tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse crowds, driving vehicles into groups of protestors, beating demonstrators, and employing a range of different coercive tactics in the attempt to “dominate” the streets, as Trump has urged police security services to do.

Over 60 million people across numerous U.S. cities have been placed under tight curfews as the government attempts to regain control. In conjunction with these security services are often paramilitary and unofficial bands of governmental supporters used to harass protestors.

Organizations such as the Basij in Iran and groups of pro-regime thugs such as the Shabiha in Syria were regularly used by these regimes in order to bolster the efforts of more traditional security services. The unofficial and mob-like nature of these organizations allows them to operate with less oversight due to being outside the framework of traditional U.S. law enforcement and a lack of official accountability to the state.

In the wake of the protests, Trump has publicly encouraged his supporters to mobilize against demonstrators. There have been several reports of Trump supporters counter-protesting and harassing crowds across the U.S. Moreover, there has been a rapid increase in the presence of unidentified armed personnel emerging at protest sites, brandishing no identification.

When traditional security services are no longer able to deter the mobilization, the military proper is often deployed in the hopes of taking control of the situation. Despite the fact that there are currently as many National Guard personnel activated in the U.S. as there are active duty troops in Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan combined, Trump continues to threaten the deployment of active military personnel and to use the “unlimited power of the military” to control the demonstrators. In true dictatorial fashion, this rhetoric demonstrates that the Trump administration is acting under the belief that the military does not serve the people, but rather his personal agenda.

The second parallel is the demonization of those demonstrating and the attempt to construct alternative narratives in order to undermine their efforts. Trump has referred to those protesting as hoodlums, radicals, lowlife and scum, losers, anarchists, criminals, and thugs. However, most concerning is his increasing use of the “terrorism” scapegoat.

A tactic regularly used by regimes across the Middle East, the “terrorism/terrorist” label is repeatedly deployed in the attempt to demonize and delegitimize any and all forms of opposition. Trump has referred to those demonstrating as domestic terrorists, and recently announced that he will be labeling Antifa as a terrorist organization (it’s worth nothing here that “Antifa,” or anti-fascism, is more of a movement against white supremacy and other right-wing extremists and not an organization).

This rhetoric often provides governments with a lucrative scapegoat: by labeling those protesting as terrorists, intense countermeasures taken to quell their actions are therefore framed as legitimate operations designed to belay enemies of the state as opposed to peaceful demonstrations calling for change.

The third parallel is the “strongman act” currently exemplified by Trump and his attempt to present himself as the only legitimate alternative to “lawlessness and chaos.” This tactic was frequently used by regimes across the Middle East that framed the situation as a choice between either “terrorists and criminals” (i.e. those demonstrating) or “law and order.” Trump has repeatedly touted the phrase “law and order,” arguing that the measures his administration is taking are the only thing keeping the country from devolving into lawlessness. He has threatened those demonstrating by vowing to establish “domination” through “overwhelming force,” including “vicious dogs” and the “most ominous weapons.”

Finally, the fourth parallel is the manipulation of identity politics to shore up his own support base. Whether it be the exploitation of clan, sectarian, locational, or familial identities, the manipulation of identity politics was a staple of the divide-and-rule strategies used by different Middle Eastern regimes to undermine unified opposition.

This appeal to an ideational base was most apparent in Trump’s march to the historical St. John’s Episcopal Church where he posed for a picture holding a bible. White Christian evangelicals, a key support base for the president, were quick to hail Trump’s move, arguing that the president “wears the armor of God.” Eerily similar to how regimes in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Iran often seek to justify their repressive actions under the cloak of religion, Trump too has sought to construct a veneer of legitimacy for his actions while speaking to his support base.

The broad strategies of various Middle Eastern autocrats designed to undermine opposition — often supported, funded, and facilitated by the United States — are increasingly being used by Washington against demonstrators following the murder of George Floyd. These comparisons show how governmental elites of all types often seek to draw from the proverbial “dictator’s handbook” when presented with a challenge to their own authority. It is yet to be seen whether the next chapter of the dictator’s handbook — the firing of live ammunition into crowds — will find its way into the streets of America. However, one thing is for certain: the coercive and repressive strategies regularly supported by Washington abroad have found their way home.


Thousands of protesters flocked to Cairo's Tahrir Square, Egypt in November 2011 where riot police used tear gas and rubber bullets (Photo: : Hang Dinh / Shutterstock.com)
Analysis | Washington Politics
US Navy
Top image credit: 250717-N-CT713-2083 SOUTH CHINA SEA (July 17, 2025) Sailors conduct flight operations on the flight deck of the Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70). Vinson, the flagship of Carrier Strike Group ONE, is underway conducting routine operations in the U.S. 7th Fleet area of operations. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist Seaman Amber Rivette)

'First Among Equals': The case for a new realist internationalism

Global Crises

The unipolar moment is over, and the U.S. must adapt its foreign policy to an increasingly multipolar world. The old overly ambitious strategy of liberal hegemony is ill-suited to the new realities of the 21st century. Moreover, the U.S. is badly overstretched with too many commitments around the world, and it needs to chart a different course if it is to prosper in the decades to come.

To meet that need, Emma Ashford — a senior fellow at the Stimson Center — lays out the case for a new pragmatic grand strategy of realist internationalism in her valuable new book, “First Among Equals: U.S. Foreign Policy in a Multipolar World.

keep readingShow less
Israel’s foreign influence is the most unrelenting in US history
Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, R-La., right, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, arrive to address the media after a meeting in the U.S. Capitol on Friday, February 7, 2025. (Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Sipa USA)
First order of House business: Protect Israel’s Netanyahu?

Israel’s foreign influence is the most unrelenting in US history

Washington Politics

In his farewell address to the nation, George Washington included a special pleading:

"Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government."

keep readingShow less
Azov Ukraine
Top photo credit: Servicemen of the Azov battalion are attending a ceremony to remember the victims of the Olenivka camp explosion, in Kyiv, Ukraine, on July 28, 2024, (Photo by Maxym Marusenko/NurPhoto)

Far-right Azov quietly grew to tens of thousands in Ukraine military

Europe

Over the last several weeks, Russia’s 51st Combined Arms Army has achieved a penetration of the Ukrainian defenses northeast of Pokrovsk, seeking to isolate the Ukrainian forces defending the city.

To seal off the penetration, Ukrainian forces committed a large number of formations, spearheaded by the 1st “Azov” National Guard Corps.

keep readingShow less

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.