Follow us on social

google cta
Shutterstock_276603449-scaled

Five ways to reset US foreign policy amid the COVID-19 crisis

In some ways the COVID-19 pandemic is but a dress rehearsal for climate change, and the world has been granted a golden opportunity to change its ways before the worst is upon us.

Analysis | Washington Politics
google cta
google cta

Each night many of us are transfixed to our television screens, watching in fear and dismay as politicians and epidemiologists recite the latest statistics on COVID-19. With our daily lives upended by stay-at-home orders, sickness, and job loss, it is easy to turn inward and ignore what’s happening far from our shores. But the crisis presents numerous opportunities to build a better, safer world – and to avoid actions that will compound the dangers. Here are just five of them:

1. Seize the day for diplomacy. Out of the pain and suffering comes a rare opportunity for world leaders to join together against a common, mortal foe. Coronavirus sees no geographic boundaries; it favors no political systems; it exempts no race, religion, gender, or creed. To save lives, nations must share data, resources, knowledge, and equipment. If calls for ceasefires in Yemen, Colombia, the Philippines, and globally are heeded, they could break long-running cycles of violence and pave the way for negotiated settlements. Now is the moment to recommit to multilateralism, building the foundation of treaties and international agreements that reduce the chances of war, and enable broader cooperation on transnational challenges.

2. Remember we’re all in this together – but we’re not all at equal risk. This is not the time for xenophobiafinger-pointing and blame. It is not an either-or choice for the United States, helping ourselves or helping others. No one country can flourish at another’s expense. Most of the world will suffer a greater toll from COVID-19 than the United States, given their limited access to clean water, food, sanitation, housing, medicine, and health care. Failing to mobilize a robust international response will only come back to haunt us as hundreds of millions, perhaps billions, face the loss of lives and livelihoods.

3. Look beyond the health emergency. The coronavirus is causing far more than a disease pandemic – it could also set off a violence epidemic. Domestic violence has surged as women and children are trapped at home with their abusers. Authoritarian regimes are using the crisis as an excuse to crack down on free speech and human rights. The sickness and death of leaders – particularly in states without strong democratic institutions – will almost certainly result in power struggles and civil strife. Pre-existing conflicts over rights and resources could flare into genocide and mass atrocities as COVID-19 exacerbates communal division and weakens command and control over armed forces. This is the time to invest in long-term, comprehensive peacebuilding and conflict mitigation networks.

4. First, do no harm. At a time of such intense and universal suffering, it is immoral as well as self-defeating for the United States to continue policies that were designed to pummel other countries into submission. Economic sanctions intended to isolate and weaken “rogue” states are compounding the suffering of innocent civilians. They must be lifted as a purely humanitarian matter, especially in Iran, Venezuela, and North Korea. At the same time, drone wars and militarized counterterrorism operations – which have aided the growth of terror networks – should be terminated and replaced by civilian efforts to address underlying grievances and strengthen systems of justice.

5. Shift the paradigm. At the very least, the COVID-19 pandemic should make it obvious that our “defense” spending is utterly out of sync with the real challenges to the health and safety of Americans. Already more than twenty times as many Americans have died from COVID-19 as in the 9/11 attacks, and even the best-case scenarios show more dying than in all the wars since World War II combined. A new report from the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons calculates that the amount we spend in one year on nuclear weapons would be enough to cover 300,000 Intensive Care Unit beds, 35,000 ventilators, and 75,000 doctors’ salaries. Even the most sophisticated weapons on the planet can’t protect our armed forces – or anyone else – from this virus.

In some ways the COVID-19 pandemic is but a dress rehearsal for climate change, and the world has been granted a golden opportunity to change its ways before the worst is upon us. Before Congress sleepwalks into another $750 billion or more in Pentagon spending, the American public should give it a wake-up call about the investments that are truly needed to keep everyone safe for the long haul.


Image via Shutterstock
google cta
Analysis | Washington Politics
nuclear weapons
Top image credit: rawf8 via shutterstock.com

What will happen when there are no guardrails on nuclear weapons?

Global Crises

The New START Treaty — the last arms control agreement between the U.S. and Russia — is set to expire next week, unless President Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin make a last minute decision to renew it. Letting the treaty expire would increase the risk of nuclear conflict and open the door to an accelerated nuclear arms race. A coalition of arms control and disarmament groups is pushing Congress and the president to pledge to continue to observe the New START limits on deployed, strategic nuclear weapons by the US and Russia.

New START matters. The treaty, which entered into force on February 5, 2011 after a successful effort by the Obama administration to win over enough Republican senators to achieve the required two-thirds majority to ratify the deal, capped deployed warheads to 1,550 for each side, and established verification procedures to ensure that both sides abided by the pact. New START was far from perfect, but it did put much needed guardrails on nuclear development that reduced the prospect of an all-out arms race.

keep readingShow less
Trump Hegseth Rubio
Top image credit: President Donald Trump, joined by Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and Secretary of the Navy John Phelan, announces plans for a “Golden Fleet” of new U.S. Navy battleships, Monday, December 22, 2025, at the Mar-a-Lago Club in Palm Beach, Florida. (Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok)

Trump's realist defense strategy with interventionist asterisks

Washington Politics

The Trump administration has released its National Defense Strategy, a document that in many ways marks a sharp break from the interventionist orthodoxies of the past 35 years, but possesses clear militaristic impulses in its own right.

Rhetorically quite compatible with realism and restraint, the report envisages a more focused U.S. grand strategy, shedding force posture dominance in all major theaters for a more concentrated role in the Western Hemisphere and Indo-Pacific. At the same time however, it retains a rather status quo Republican view of the Middle East, painting Iran as an intransigent aggressor and Israel as a model ally. Its muscular approach to the Western Hemisphere also may lend itself to the very interventionism that the report ostensibly opposes.

keep readingShow less
Alternative vs. legacy media
Top photo credit: Gemini AI

Ding dong the legacy media and its slavish war reporting is dead

Media

In a major development that must be frustrating to an establishment trying to sell their policies to an increasingly skeptical public, the rising popularity of independent media has made it impossible to create broad consensus for corporate-compliant narratives, and to casually denigrate, or even censor, those who disagree.

It’s been a long road.

keep readingShow less
google cta
Want more of our stories on Google?
Click here to make us a Preferred Source.

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.