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Five years after Trump's JCPOA exit, Iran closer to bomb than ever

With President Biden seemingly now disinterested in this issue, perhaps it's time for Tehran's Arab neighbors to take over negotiations.

Analysis | Middle East
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Today, May 8, is the five-year anniversary of Donald Trump's withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal. It is difficult to overstate how disastrous his exit from the agreement— and Joe Biden’s failure to re-enter it — has been for U.S. national security.

From Iran’s progress towards a nuclear weapons option and its support for Russia against Ukraine to the loss of U.S. leverage over Iran and credibility with the global community, this decision will go down in history as one of the biggest strategic screw-ups in American history.

Since Trump’s withdrawal in May, 2018, Iran has amassed enough enriched fissile material for several bombs. While its breakout time — the amount of time that Iran would need to assemble all the components necessary for one bomb — was more than one year  during the JCPOA, it is now less than 10 days. Neither U.S.-led sanctions nor Israeli assassinations have dented Iran’s nuclear advances. It’s clear now that only the JCPOA has been successful in boxing in Iran’s nuclear program. 

Meanwhile, having been betrayed by the United States, Iran has moved closer to China and Russia at a time when the U.S.’s own tensions with those powers are at a crisis point. Had the United States stayed in the agreement, Iran would very likely not be aiding Russia’s war in Ukraine today.

Moreover, Washington’s leverage with Tehran has dissipated. The United States has proven incapable of offering credible and enduring sanctions relief, while U.S. tensions with Russia and China have created new opportunities for Iran to circumvent U.S. sanctions.

In addition, in 2015, the U.S. was the gatekeeper to the international community. Washington decided which country was part of it and which was a pariah. But in today’s multipolar world, given that the United States has lost this role, Iran no longer needs Washington to shed its pariah status.

Tehran too deserves much blame for the dying state of the JCPOA. Western and Iranian diplomats have told me that Iran now wants to return to the package it rejected back in August 2022, while the U.S. and EU partners believe that Iran’s fast-growing nuclear program necessitates revisions to that text. But the prospects of reviving the negotiations are fast slipping away as the Biden administration has deprioritized this issue. Without some form of a deal, the risk of war is creeping closer.

Preventing war currently relies solely on the discipline of all actors involved — including the Israelis — from not taking dramatic escalatory steps. This is not a strategy that makes America safer.

As war inches closer, potentially triggered by Israel, other regional states are getting frustrated with Biden’s lack of interest and strategy. The president is neither handling this issue nor allowing Arab states in the region to find their own solution with Iran.

One possible way forward would be for a nuclear deal to be struck between Iran and its Arab neighbors. Georgetown University’s Ali Vaez and Vali Nasr of the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies did an excelling job of spelling out this option for Foreign Affairs this week. It is worth a shot. Indeed, if Biden won’t prioritize this issue or does not want to pay the political cost of striking a deal with the regime in Tehran, he should at least not stand in the way of regional states seeking to find their own solution.

If they succeed, restrictions will be imposed on Iran’s nuclear program that will help prevent an Iranian bomb. If they fail, America will be in no worse position than it is in today.


President Donald J. Trump signs an Executive Order in Bedminster, New Jersey, entitled “Reimposing Certain Sanctions with Respect to Iran.” (Official White House Photo by Shealah Craighead)
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Analysis | Middle East
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UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan receives Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman at the Presidential Airport in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates November 27, 2019. WAM/Handout via REUTERS

Is the US goading Arab states to join war against Iran?

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On Sunday, U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Mike Waltz told ABC News that Arab Gulf states may soon step up their involvement in the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran. “I expect that you'll see additional diplomatic and possibly military action from them in the coming days and weeks,” Waltz said.

Then, on Monday morning, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) slammed Saudi Arabia for staying out of the war even as “Americans are dying and the U.S. is spending billions” of dollars to conduct regime change in Iran. “If you are not willing to use your military now, when are you willing to use it?” Graham asked. “Hopefully this changes soon. If not, consequences will follow.”

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Top image credit: Iranian army military personnel stand at attention under a banner featuring an image of an Iranian-made unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) during a military parade commemorating the anniversary of Army Day outside the Shrine of Iran's late leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in the south of Tehran, Iran, on April 18, 2025. (Photo by Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto)

Why Tehran may have time on its side

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A provocative calculus by Anusar Farrouqui (“policytensor”) has been circulating on X and in more exhaustive form on the author’s Substack. It purports to demonstrate a sobering reality: in a high-intensity U.S.-Iran conflict, the United States may be unable to suppress Iranian drone production quickly enough to prevent a strategically consequential period of regional devastation.

The argument is framed through a quantitative lens, carrying the seductive appeal of mathematical precision. It arranges variables—such as U.S. sortie rates and degradation efficiency against Iranian repair cycles and rebuild speeds—to suggest a "sustainable firing rate." The implication is that Iran could maintain a persistent strike capability long enough to exhaust American political patience, forcing Washington toward a premature declaration of success or an unfavorable ceasefire.

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Top image credit: Sens. Andy Kim (D-N.J.), Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) and Elissa Slotkin (D-Mich.) sit look on during a congressional hearing in January, 2025. (Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Sipa USA)

Will Democrats pop Trump's $50 billion trial balloon for war?

Washington Politics

On Wednesday, Sen. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) told CNN that he would support new funding for the U.S. war with Iran — but only if Israel and Arab Gulf states help pay for it.

“We’re using our taxpayer money to protect those countries,” Gallego said. “We’re using our men to protect these countries. They need to throw in and have skin in the game too.”

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