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Congress is finally poised to repeal the Iraq War authorization. Is Afghanistan next?

A bipartisan group of lawmakers is looking to officially put an end to one of America’s most controversial wars.

North America
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A bipartisan group of lawmakers in the House and Senate introduced a bill Thursday that would repeal the congressional authorizations for the use of force from the 1991 and 2003 Iraq wars.

The proposal will almost certainly make it through the House, where a similar measure passed each of the last two years. The question lies with the Senate, which has been wary to sign off on House repeal efforts.

Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) signaled Thursday that he is determined to end that trend, an urgency likely driven in part by the fact that next month will mark the 20th anniversary of the second Iraq war. “I will work with Sens. [Tim] Kaine (D-Va.) and [Todd] Young (R-Ind.) to move this bipartisan legislation to the Senate floor soon, so that the Senate can pass it quickly,” he said.

President Joe Biden has also promised to support a repeal of the 2002 authorization, which provided a legal basis for the second Iraq war, if passed. Sponsors of the bill include Reps. Chip Roy (R-Texas), Abigail Spanberger (D-Va.), Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), and Tom Cole (R-Okla.), as well as Sens. Robert Menendez (D-N.J.), Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), Mike Lee (R-Utah), and Rand Paul (R-Ky.).

“Endless war weakens our national security, robs this and future generations through skyrocketing debt, and creates more enemies to threaten us,” Paul said in a statement. “It’s long past time that we respect the balance of power and reassert Congress’ voice by forcing legislators to specifically approve or disapprove of the direction of our foreign policy.”

A successful repeal would be a major victory for anti-war advocates, who have fought for years to rein in what they view as presidential abuses of war powers. Notably, President Donald Trump cited the second Iraq war authorization as a legal justification for the 2020 strike that killed Iranian general Qassem Soleimani in Baghdad, a move that threatened to start a major war between the United States and Iran.

“When you take away Congress’ ability to do their job based on what the Constitution requires, you’re really fundamentally acting in an undemocratic fashion,” Rep. Lee told RS last year. “We need to debate and provide an authorization to the President if we think that that is necessary.”

Notably, the bill does not address the 2001 authorization for the use of military force, which provides the president with broad authority to target states or groups involved in the 9/11 attacks. This authorization has been used to justify continued interventions in Iraq, Syria, Somalia, and several other countries where al-Qaida or ISIS militants are based.

Lee, who cast the only vote against the 2001 AUMF, has introduced a bill to repeal it every year since 2010 and is expected to do the same this year. Given the proposal’s potential impact on U.S. military operations abroad — and its symbolic power as the authority underlying much of the war on terror — it has a significantly lower chance of passing.

But there is some hope for war powers advocates: The National Security Council suggested Wednesday in a statement to the Washington Post that Biden would support an effort to “ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of military force are replaced with a narrow and specific framework that will ensure that we can continue to protect Americans from terrorist threats.”


Soldiers with 1st Battalion, 5th Infantry Regiment, 1st Stryker Brigade Combat Team, 25th Infantry Division, conduct a patrol around the perimeter of Al Asad Airbase in western Iraq, Feb. 14, 2020. The patrols act both as a deterrent and to bolster the security partnership between U.S. and Iraqi forces. (U.S. Army photo by Sgt. Sean Harding)
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North America
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A mushroom cloud expands over the Bikini Atoll during a U.S. nuclear weapons test in 1946. (Shutterstock/ Everett Collection)

Nuke treaty loss a 'colossal' failure that could lead to nuclear arms race

Global Crises

On February 13th, 2025, President Trump said something few expected to hear. He said, “There's no reason for us to be building brand-new nuclear weapons. We already have so many. . . You could destroy the world 50 times over, 100 times over. And here we are building new nuclear weapons . . . We’re all spending a lot of money that we could be spending on other things that are actually, hopefully, much more productive.”

I could not agree more with that statement. But with today’s expiration of the New START Treaty, we face the very real possibility of a new nuclear arms race — something that, to my knowledge, neither the President, Vice President, nor any other senior U.S. official has meaningfully discussed.

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As US-Iran talks resume, will Israel play spoiler (again)?

Middle East

This Friday, the latest chapter in the long, fraught history of U.S.-Iran negotiations will take place in Oman. Iran’s foreign minister Abbas Araghchi and President Trump’s Special Envoy Steve Witkoff will meet in an effort to stave off a war between the U.S. and Iran.

The negotiations were originally planned as a multilateral forum in Istanbul, with an array of regional Arab and Muslim countries present, apart from the U.S. and Iran — Turkey, Qatar, Oman, and Saudi Arabia.

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Top image credit: Miss.Cabal/shutterstock.com

Last treaty curbing US, Russia nuclear weapons has collapsed

Global Crises

The end of the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START), the last treaty between the U.S. and Russia placing limits on their respective nuclear arsenals, may not make an arms race inevitable. There is still potential for pragmatic diplomacy.

Both sides can adhere to the basic limits even as they modernize their arsenals. They can bring back some of the risk-reduction measures that stabilized their relationship for years. And they can reengage diplomatically with each other to craft new agreements. The alternative — unconstrained nuclear competition — is dangerous, expensive, and deeply unpopular with most Americans.

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