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Congress is finally poised to repeal the Iraq War authorization. Is Afghanistan next?

A bipartisan group of lawmakers is looking to officially put an end to one of America’s most controversial wars.

North America

A bipartisan group of lawmakers in the House and Senate introduced a bill Thursday that would repeal the congressional authorizations for the use of force from the 1991 and 2003 Iraq wars.

The proposal will almost certainly make it through the House, where a similar measure passed each of the last two years. The question lies with the Senate, which has been wary to sign off on House repeal efforts.

Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) signaled Thursday that he is determined to end that trend, an urgency likely driven in part by the fact that next month will mark the 20th anniversary of the second Iraq war. “I will work with Sens. [Tim] Kaine (D-Va.) and [Todd] Young (R-Ind.) to move this bipartisan legislation to the Senate floor soon, so that the Senate can pass it quickly,” he said.

President Joe Biden has also promised to support a repeal of the 2002 authorization, which provided a legal basis for the second Iraq war, if passed. Sponsors of the bill include Reps. Chip Roy (R-Texas), Abigail Spanberger (D-Va.), Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), and Tom Cole (R-Okla.), as well as Sens. Robert Menendez (D-N.J.), Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), Mike Lee (R-Utah), and Rand Paul (R-Ky.).

“Endless war weakens our national security, robs this and future generations through skyrocketing debt, and creates more enemies to threaten us,” Paul said in a statement. “It’s long past time that we respect the balance of power and reassert Congress’ voice by forcing legislators to specifically approve or disapprove of the direction of our foreign policy.”

A successful repeal would be a major victory for anti-war advocates, who have fought for years to rein in what they view as presidential abuses of war powers. Notably, President Donald Trump cited the second Iraq war authorization as a legal justification for the 2020 strike that killed Iranian general Qassem Soleimani in Baghdad, a move that threatened to start a major war between the United States and Iran.

“When you take away Congress’ ability to do their job based on what the Constitution requires, you’re really fundamentally acting in an undemocratic fashion,” Rep. Lee told RS last year. “We need to debate and provide an authorization to the President if we think that that is necessary.”

Notably, the bill does not address the 2001 authorization for the use of military force, which provides the president with broad authority to target states or groups involved in the 9/11 attacks. This authorization has been used to justify continued interventions in Iraq, Syria, Somalia, and several other countries where al-Qaida or ISIS militants are based.

Lee, who cast the only vote against the 2001 AUMF, has introduced a bill to repeal it every year since 2010 and is expected to do the same this year. Given the proposal’s potential impact on U.S. military operations abroad — and its symbolic power as the authority underlying much of the war on terror — it has a significantly lower chance of passing.

But there is some hope for war powers advocates: The National Security Council suggested Wednesday in a statement to the Washington Post that Biden would support an effort to “ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of military force are replaced with a narrow and specific framework that will ensure that we can continue to protect Americans from terrorist threats.”


Soldiers with 1st Battalion, 5th Infantry Regiment, 1st Stryker Brigade Combat Team, 25th Infantry Division, conduct a patrol around the perimeter of Al Asad Airbase in western Iraq, Feb. 14, 2020. The patrols act both as a deterrent and to bolster the security partnership between U.S. and Iraqi forces. (U.S. Army photo by Sgt. Sean Harding)
North America
operating table
Top photo credit: Inside Creative House/Shutterstock

On Russia-Ukraine, the misdiagnosed patient is flatlining

Europe

With the imposition of new U.S. sanctions on Russian oil producers and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent’s dismissal of visiting Russian envoy Kirill Dmitriev as a “propagandist,” the Trump administration’s efforts to end the war in Ukraine seem to be hanging by a thread.

Their success or failure will depend on a simple premise: one must understand a problem in order to resolve it. Unfortunately, the West has been misdiagnosing the problem it faces in Ukraine for more than a decade, with increasingly tragic consequences. And the time in which President Trump can correct this diagnosis — and corresponding policy prescription — is quickly running out.

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Why German rearmament isn't happening
Top image credit: German Chancellor Friedrich Merz arrives at the European Council meeting, where EU leaders gathered to discuss Ukraine, European defense, recent developments in the Middle East, competitiveness, housing and migration, in Brussels, on October 23, 2025.

Why German rearmament isn't happening

Europe

On October 13, Germany’s government had to cancel at the last minute a press conference at which it planned to announce a new bill expanding military conscription. It was the result of disagreements between the two major parties in the governing coalition, the Social Democrats (SPD) and Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU).

This episode reveals the fundamental fragility of Berlin’s much-touted defense renewal.

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An MIM-104 Patriot missile is fired by members of Battery B, 8th Battalion, 43rd Air Defense Artillery. (US National Archives)

Inflating Russian missile costs hides our own weapons crisis

Europe

The West likes to inflate the cost of Russian weapons as a way to suggest Moscow is in a financial bind and manipulate the narrative of a looming Ukraine victory — while also masking real inefficiencies in the U.S. defense industry.

By assuming Russian weapons have input costs similar to U.S. systems or conflating export prices with Russia’s internal costs, Western estimates produce misleading figures. These inflated costs bolster the narrative that the strain on Moscow is tremendous, while downplaying the increasing challenges for Ukraine and NATO to effectively counter Russia’s relatively inexpensive missiles and drones.

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