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Congress is finally poised to repeal the Iraq War authorization. Is Afghanistan next?

A bipartisan group of lawmakers is looking to officially put an end to one of America’s most controversial wars.

North America

A bipartisan group of lawmakers in the House and Senate introduced a bill Thursday that would repeal the congressional authorizations for the use of force from the 1991 and 2003 Iraq wars.

The proposal will almost certainly make it through the House, where a similar measure passed each of the last two years. The question lies with the Senate, which has been wary to sign off on House repeal efforts.

Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) signaled Thursday that he is determined to end that trend, an urgency likely driven in part by the fact that next month will mark the 20th anniversary of the second Iraq war. “I will work with Sens. [Tim] Kaine (D-Va.) and [Todd] Young (R-Ind.) to move this bipartisan legislation to the Senate floor soon, so that the Senate can pass it quickly,” he said.

President Joe Biden has also promised to support a repeal of the 2002 authorization, which provided a legal basis for the second Iraq war, if passed. Sponsors of the bill include Reps. Chip Roy (R-Texas), Abigail Spanberger (D-Va.), Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), and Tom Cole (R-Okla.), as well as Sens. Robert Menendez (D-N.J.), Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), Mike Lee (R-Utah), and Rand Paul (R-Ky.).

“Endless war weakens our national security, robs this and future generations through skyrocketing debt, and creates more enemies to threaten us,” Paul said in a statement. “It’s long past time that we respect the balance of power and reassert Congress’ voice by forcing legislators to specifically approve or disapprove of the direction of our foreign policy.”

A successful repeal would be a major victory for anti-war advocates, who have fought for years to rein in what they view as presidential abuses of war powers. Notably, President Donald Trump cited the second Iraq war authorization as a legal justification for the 2020 strike that killed Iranian general Qassem Soleimani in Baghdad, a move that threatened to start a major war between the United States and Iran.

“When you take away Congress’ ability to do their job based on what the Constitution requires, you’re really fundamentally acting in an undemocratic fashion,” Rep. Lee told RS last year. “We need to debate and provide an authorization to the President if we think that that is necessary.”

Notably, the bill does not address the 2001 authorization for the use of military force, which provides the president with broad authority to target states or groups involved in the 9/11 attacks. This authorization has been used to justify continued interventions in Iraq, Syria, Somalia, and several other countries where al-Qaida or ISIS militants are based.

Lee, who cast the only vote against the 2001 AUMF, has introduced a bill to repeal it every year since 2010 and is expected to do the same this year. Given the proposal’s potential impact on U.S. military operations abroad — and its symbolic power as the authority underlying much of the war on terror — it has a significantly lower chance of passing.

But there is some hope for war powers advocates: The National Security Council suggested Wednesday in a statement to the Washington Post that Biden would support an effort to “ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of military force are replaced with a narrow and specific framework that will ensure that we can continue to protect Americans from terrorist threats.”


Soldiers with 1st Battalion, 5th Infantry Regiment, 1st Stryker Brigade Combat Team, 25th Infantry Division, conduct a patrol around the perimeter of Al Asad Airbase in western Iraq, Feb. 14, 2020. The patrols act both as a deterrent and to bolster the security partnership between U.S. and Iraqi forces. (U.S. Army photo by Sgt. Sean Harding)
North America
Iran
Top image credit: An Iranian man (not pictured) carries a portrait of the former commander of the IRGC Aerospace Forces, Brigadier General Amir Ali Hajizadeh, and participates in a funeral for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commanders, Iranian nuclear scientists, and civilians who are killed in Israeli attacks, in Tehran, Iran, on June 28, 2025, during the Iran-Israel ceasefire. (Photo by Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto VIA REUTERS)

First it was regime change, now they want to break Iran apart

Middle East

Washington’s foreign policy establishment has a dangerous tendency to dismantle nations it deems adversarial. Now, neoconservative think tanks like the Washington-based Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) and their fellow travelers in the European Parliament are openly promoting the balkanization of Iran — a reckless strategy that would further destabilize the Middle East, trigger catastrophic humanitarian crises, and provoke fierce resistance from both Iranians and U.S. partners.

As Israel and Iran exchanged blows in mid-June, FDD’s Brenda Shaffer argued that Iran’s multi-ethnic makeup was a vulnerability to be exploited. Shaffer has been a vocal advocate for Azerbaijan in mainstream U.S. media, even as she has consistently failed to disclose her ties to Azerbaijan’s state oil company, SOCAR. For years, she has pushed for Iran’s fragmentation along ethnic lines, akin to the former Yugoslavia’s collapse. She has focused much of that effort on promoting the secession of Iranian Azerbaijan, where Azeris form Iran’s largest non-Persian group.

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Top image credit: Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard and CIA director John Ratcliffe join a meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump and his intelligence team in the Situation Room at the White House in Washington, D.C., U.S. June 21, 2025. The White House/Handout via REUTERS

Trump's use and misuse of Iran intel

Middle East

President Donald Trump has twice, within the space of a week, been at odds with U.S. intelligence agencies on issues involving Iran’s nuclear program. In each instance, Trump was pushing his preferred narrative, but the substantive differences in the two cases were in opposite directions.

Before the United States joined Israel’s attack on Iran, Trump dismissed earlier testimony by Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, in which she presented the intelligence community’s judgment that “Iran is not building a nuclear weapon and Supreme Leader Khamanei has not authorized the nuclear weapons program he suspended in 2003.” Questioned about this testimony, Trump said, “she’s wrong.”

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Top photo credit: Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman (President of the Russian Federation/Wikimedia Commons); U.S. President Donald Trump (Gage Skidmore/Flickr) and Iran’s Ayatollah Khamenei (Wikimedia Commons)

Let's make a deal: Enrichment path that both Iran, US can agree on

Middle East

The recent conflict, a direct confrontation that pitted Iran against Israel and drew in U.S. B-2 bombers, has likely rendered the previous diplomatic playbook for Tehran's nuclear program obsolete.

The zero-sum debates concerning uranium enrichment that once defined that framework now represent an increasingly unworkable approach.

Although a regional nuclear consortium had been previously advanced as a theoretical alternative, the collapse of talks as a result of military action against Iran now positions it as the most compelling path forward for all parties.

Before the war, Iran was already suggesting a joint uranium enrichment facility with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on Iranian soil. For Iran, this framework could achieve its primary goal: the preservation of a domestic nuclear program and, crucially, its demand to maintain some enrichment on its own territory. The added benefit is that it embeds Iran within a regional security architecture that provides a buffer against unilateral attack.

For Gulf actors, it offers unprecedented transparency and a degree of control over their rival-turned-friend’s nuclear activities, a far better outcome than a possible covert Iranian breakout. For a Trump administration focused on deals, it offers a tangible, multilateral framework that can be sold as a blueprint for regional stability.

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