Follow us on social

google cta
2020-12-08t013545z_2_lynxmpegb702k_rtroptp_4_usa-obama-scaled

Biden bypasses Flournoy, taps General Austin for defense secretary

Critics wonder whether putting another retired military officer in charge — and one with corporate ties — is such a good move.

Analysis | Military Industrial Complex
google cta
google cta

WASHINGTON -- The word spread like wildfire across social media Monday night: President-elect Joe Biden would be tapping long-shot candidate and retired Gen. Lloyd Austin for his secretary of defense, and could be making a formal announcement as soon as Tuesday.

This would seemingly mark the end of a Washington court drama in which civilian Pentagon insider Michele Flournoy went from a virtual shoo-in as the first woman defense secretary to being passed over for a military officer who, if confirmed, would be the first African American defense secretary.

The Austin pick was reported by both Politico and the Associated Press, which confirmed the news with three and four sources respectively.

Austin would have to get a waiver from Congress to qualify. The National Security Act of 1947 required a prospective secretary to wait 10 years after ending active duty as a commissioned officer. It was later shortened to seven years. This would only be the third time a waiver was requested — the first being for Gen. George Marshall in 1950, the second for Gen. James Mattis when he was nominated to be President Trump’s first defense secretary in 2017, four years after leaving the military. (He also sat on a corporate board — General Dynamics — in the intervening years.)

Austin, 67, retired from the Army in 2016 as a four-star and head of U.S. Central Command, probably the most important command today, given that its area of responsibility stretches from Northeast Africa across the Middle East to Central and South Asia — virtually every place the United States had been at war and in many regards, still is, for the last two decades. 

Previously, Austin was vice chief of staff for the Army and before that, commanding general of U.S. Forces–Iraq during the Obama-Biden administration. He also served as commander of the Multi-National Corps–Iraq, succeeding Gen. Ray Odierno, during the height of the insurgency in 2008.

He currently serves as a paid board member for Raytheon, which is consistently among the world’s top five defense contractors and among the top companies receiving U.S. federal contracts each year. In 2017, its arms sales exceeded $23 billion and its profits $2 billion dollars. In 2019, Raytheon was the fifth biggest government contractor with $15 billion in obligations, according to Bloomberg News. Coincidentally, outgoing Secretary of Defense Mark Esper spent years as Raytheon’s top weapons lobbyist before joining the Trump administration in 2019.

Aside from his corporate baggage, the idea that yet another general would be heading the DoD was not well received in even some establishment national security circles Monday night. 

While former General (and drug czar) Barry McCaffrey tweeted that Austin’s pick was “very good news for national security” because he is “a towering figure in Armed Forces. Enormous global experience. Joint Staff and Army staff Pentagon. Very easy to deal with. Loved by the military. Silver Star Valor. West Point. MA Auburn. MBA,” others, like Georgetown University professor Rosa Brooks, who served in the Obama administration, weren’t as sanguine.

“From a civil-military relations perspective, this seems like a terrible idea,” she tweeted (Brooks was a big backer of Flournoy). She pointed to Trump’s other early generals: Gen. John Kelly, selected first to head the Department of Homeland Security, later Trump’s chief of staff; and retired General Mike Flynn, who was Trump’s first national security adviser. Retired Gen. H.R. McMaster took over the national security adviser job later in 2017. “Lots of damage there...putting a recently retired 4 star, no matter how wonderful, into the top civilian DoD position sends the worst possible message.”

Back during Trump’s transition period, the number of generals he was tapping for the cabinet was raising alarms, though at the time many, like Brooks, thought Trump perhaps needed them. In late December 2016, this writer penned a piece about the yawning civilian-military divide and why the American founders wanted the powers of the executive branch, Congress — and military — diluted. The mix of civilian and military control over defense policy was especially important.

“[The country] is not at risk of a military coup; it is what I call the ‘velvet militarization’ of American foreign and national security policy over the next four years,” wrote Gordon Adams, professor emeritus at American University’s School of International Service, at the time.

Military officers, he said, “view the world differently,” in the “structured, hierarchical, strategic and operational way” that “focuses on the uses of military force.”

On specific policy, Austin is pretty much a closed book, a soldier’s-soldier. The New York Times’ write up of his reported nomination Monday suggested that Austin “is known as a strong battlefield commander” who cracked the glass ceiling as a Black man among all-white brass. Supporters say “he broke through that barrier because of his intellect, his command experience and the mentorship of a former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Adm. Mike Mullen, who plucked him to run the staff of the Joint Chiefs’ office.”

While his specific views about the current military policies in Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, and places like Somalia, from which Trump just announced a troop withdrawal, are virtually unknown, it will be interesting to see how progressive critics and Pentagon watchdogs, who had opposed Flournoy due to her own ties to the defense industry, will react to another entrenched military figure, also with corporate links, taking that position. So far, there’s a bit of skepticism.

“Throughout the entire transition process, I have been disappointed that the only people mentioned for the top Pentagon post have deep ties to the defense industry,” said Dan Grazier, a combat veteran who served tours in Iraq and Afghanistan and is now an analyst for the Project on Government Oversight’s Center for Defense Information.

“This is a well-trodden path in Washington that has resulted in a great deal of wasted money, failed acquisition programs, and wars that never end. It's about time we try something else.”


President Barack Obama sits next to Commander of Central Command Gen. Lloyd Austin III during a briefing at MacDill Air Force Base in Tampa, Florida, September 17, 2014. REUTERS/Larry Downing
google cta
Analysis | Military Industrial Complex
Trump, George w. Bush, Bill Clinton
Top photo credit: President Donald Trump (Trump White House/public domain) ; George W Bush (National Archives/public domain); President Bill Clinton (Clinton presidential library/public domain)

All aboard America's strategic blunder train. Next stop: Iran

Washington Politics

With not just one — but two — carrier battle groups now steaming in circles somewhere off the coast of Oman out of the range of Iranian missiles, we are all left with the head-scratching question: what is it, exactly, that the United States hopes to accomplish with another round of air strikes on Iran? Trump hasn’t told us.

The latest crisis du jour with Iran illustrates the strategic swamp willingly stepped into not just by Donald Trump but his predecessors as well. The swamp is built on a singular and hopelessly misguided assumption: that the use of force either by stand-off, limited strikes from 12,000 feet or even invasions will somehow solve complex political problems on the ground below. The United States today sits shivering, gripped with this runaway swamp fever — with no relief in sight.

keep readingShow less
Tucker Carlson
Top image credit: Tucker Carlson, founder of Tucker Carlson Network, speaks during the AmericaFest 2024 conference sponsored by conservative group Turning Point in Phoenix, Arizona, U.S. December 19, 2024. REUTERS/Cheney Orr
Tucker escalates war with neocons over Iran

Are MAGA restrainers pulling their punches this time on Iran?

Washington Politics

The Trump administration appears to be moving closer to a U.S. war with Iran, and there are plenty on the right, including inside MAGA, rallying against it. Unfortunately, they seem much more drowned out this time around.

Marjorie Taylor Greene certainly does her bit. “Americans do not want to go to war with Iran!!!” the former Republican congresswoman shared on X Wednesday. “And they voted for NO MORE FOREIGN WARS AND NO MORE REGIME CHANGE.”

keep readingShow less
Arab and Gulf State leaders
Top photo credit: urkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoan arrived in Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia, at the invitation of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, for a visit aimed at discussing bilateral relations and issues of common interest. February 3, 2026. (Reuters)

Why Arab states are terrified of US war with Iran

Middle East

As an American attack on Iran seems increasingly inevitable, America’s allies in the Persian Gulf — the very nations hosting U.S. bases and bracing anxiously for an Iranian blowback — are terrified of escalation and are lobbying Washington to stop it .

The scale of the U.S. mobilization is indeed staggering. As reported by the Responsible Statecraft’s Kelley Vlahos, at least 108 air tankers are in or heading to the CENTCOM theater. As military officers reckon, strikes can now happen “at any moment.” These preparations suggest not only that the operation may be imminent, but also that it could be more sustainable and long-lasting than a one-off strike in Iranian nuclear sites last June.

keep readingShow less
google cta
Want more of our stories on Google?
Click here to make us a Preferred Source.

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.