While the military characterized the move as part of a planned withdrawal that reflects the view that Iran now poses less of a threat, the news has prompted debate over the timing of the decision.
The old paradigm that has served as the foundation of the U.S.-Saudi relationship over the previous 75 years — security for Riyadh in exchange for reliable oil supplies for Washington — is no longer as applicable as it once was.
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman has shifted his gaze from his “Vision 2030” of a restructured economy to shoring up the regime’s political authority.
The Saudis have reason to try to distract from what’s going on inside the country.
Some have argued that the US should commit to an increasing dependence on petroleum, as well as ushering in a new cycle of overseas interventions propping up an existing, overburdened, and outdated system of U.S. military hegemony.
New York Times Beirut bureau chief Ben Hubbard fills in the gaps of his reporting on Saudi Arabia and Mohammed bin Salman but doesn’t explore his relationship with Jared Kushner.
All historians begin somewhere. Their choice of starting date reveals what they take as significant in explaining how we got to be where we are.
COVID-19 has impacted countries in the region in different ways but their paths forward will be equally challenging.
Saudi Arabia recently announced a ceasefire in Yemen, and then immediately violated it. What’s next?
A recent campaign that shamed UNESCO for partnering with a foundation led by Mohammed bin Salman was very effective in getting the UN agency to back away.
In places like Tunisia, Algeria, Sudan, and Libya, the three countries have sought to stymie citizen uprisings, meddle in elections, arm allies, strengthen military rule, and wage disinformation campaigns.
History has shown that GCC member-states move closer together in times of international/regional crisis, even if major underlying differences between them persist.
