We need more oversight on US counterterrorism policy in the wake of AQAP’s confirmed involvement in the Pensacola attack
The US needs to state its objectives clearly so that we’re not bogged down in counterterrorism operations indefinitely.
The US needs to state its objectives clearly so that we’re not bogged down in counterterrorism operations indefinitely.
The coronavirus pandemic’s economic fallout calls into question Gulf states’ ability to fund a brewing, costly regional arms race.
If states see the present low prices as an opportunity for reform toward more realistic economies and more limited political ambitions, the Middle East could vastly benefit in the long run.
Opinion data show that citizens in the region are highly attuned and averse to unsupervised state spending, particularly on foreign policy and investments that are not perceived to be of direct public benefit.
While the military characterized the move as part of a planned withdrawal that reflects the view that Iran now poses less of a threat, the news has prompted debate over the timing of the decision.
The old paradigm that has served as the foundation of the U.S.-Saudi relationship over the previous 75 years — security for Riyadh in exchange for reliable oil supplies for Washington — is no longer as applicable as it once was.
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman has shifted his gaze from his “Vision 2030” of a restructured economy to shoring up the regime’s political authority.
The Saudis have reason to try to distract from what’s going on inside the country.
Some have argued that the US should commit to an increasing dependence on petroleum, as well as ushering in a new cycle of overseas interventions propping up an existing, overburdened, and outdated system of U.S. military hegemony.
New York Times Beirut bureau chief Ben Hubbard fills in the gaps of his reporting on Saudi Arabia and Mohammed bin Salman but doesn’t explore his relationship with Jared Kushner.
All historians begin somewhere. Their choice of starting date reveals what they take as significant in explaining how we got to be where we are.
COVID-19 has impacted countries in the region in different ways but their paths forward will be equally challenging.
Saudi Arabia recently announced a ceasefire in Yemen, and then immediately violated it. What’s next?
A recent campaign that shamed UNESCO for partnering with a foundation led by Mohammed bin Salman was very effective in getting the UN agency to back away.
In places like Tunisia, Algeria, Sudan, and Libya, the three countries have sought to stymie citizen uprisings, meddle in elections, arm allies, strengthen military rule, and wage disinformation campaigns.
History has shown that GCC member-states move closer together in times of international/regional crisis, even if major underlying differences between them persist.
Mohammed bin Salman’s chaotic and authoritarian stewardship at this moment may well impede the establishment of the fourth Saudi state he wants to lead.
MbS has made a mess of Saudi foreign and domestic policy. What will happen if Trump isn’t around anymore to back him up?
Yemen’s warring parties should implement a United Nations ceasefire proposal to prepare for a COVID-19 outbreak and preserve an opportunity to end the war.
Saudi Arabia is already fomenting one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises — why are we asking them to help solve another?
The only viable way of managing the crisis is not a shrinking of the public space in favor of the state, but a widening of the public space in partnership with the state in order to meet the challenge.