Follow us on social

google cta
Shutterstock_1753604471-scaled

House Armed Services Committee Chairman Adam Smith could diminish militarized policing

Advocates arguing against structural racism and police violence must pressure Smith to address the 1033 program in the bill he writes, and to keep it in the final bill.

Analysis | Global Crises
google cta
google cta

Participants in recent protests against police have been imprisoned, maimed, and killed in a tragically ironic affirmation that police brutality is out of control. Although some cities have banned certain uses of force such as chokeholds, a crucial contributor to violence remains unaddressed: the sale or gift of excess military equipment to police departments through the “1033 program.” 

Rep. Adam Smith (D-WA), Chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, cannot fix all aspects of militarized policing, but he could end its worst excesses by reforming the program. Under 1033, surplus equipment is sold at discount to police departments for use against Americans, as witnessed this month in Rep. Smith’s district in Seattle

In late June, in response to a month of protests, the House passed the Democrats’ police reform bill, the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2020. The bill contained a provision to end the transfer of militarized equipment to police departments, introduced by Representative Hank Johnson (D-GA). Although the George Floyd Act falls short of protesters’ demands to defund the police, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has refused to bring it to the Senate floor.

Democrats have therefore turned to the National Defense Authorization Act — NDAA — which authorizes the Pentagon budget for the coming year. The NDAA, which is coming to the floor in both chambers next week, remains one of the few pieces of legislation that Congress continues to pass annually in a bipartisan expression of support for all things military. Johnson submitted his bill for inclusion in the NDAA, as the House already voted for it when it passed the George Floyd Act. 

The bill would prevent police from acquiring military grade weapons, explosives, and vehicles, while allowing the transfer of non-military equipment, such as computers and bullet-proof vests, which are also distributed through the 1033 program. By permitting non-lethal equipment, Johnson hopes to appease rural police departments that rely on the program, while curbing police access to military-grade weapons. 

Senator Brian Schatz (D-HI) has reintroduced an amendment to the Senate’s version of the NDAA that is similar to Johnson’s. His measure is co-sponsored by Kamala Harris (D-CA), Lisa Murkowski (R-AK), and Rand Paul (R-KY). None of the three are on the Senate Armed Services Committee, which drafts the bill, and so they have little influence over its content. Senator Inhofe (R-OK), the Chairman of the SASC, will likely introduce his own amendment on the 1033 program, which would perpetuate the status quo. 

If both the Senate and House versions of the NDAA address the 1033 program, the final version of the NDAA is likely to include some measure of reform. Given widespread concerns about police brutality, and specifically the use of weapons and tactics designed for war zones, preventing the worst abuses of the 1033 program has widespread support. 

The power to do so currently lies with Adam Smith. As the Chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, Smith has significant influence over the final text of the House version of the NDAA. Without Smith’s support, Johnson’s bill is unlikely to be included.

Members of both the House and Senate Armed Services Committees are incentivized to put forward an uncontroversial NDAA, because if it fails to pass, the previous year’s bill remains, and the importance of the annual NDAA is undermined. Smith is driven by political concerns to preserve the status of the NDAA as a “must pass” bill. Therefore, he is unlikely to address the 1033 program because doing so could risk the passage of the NDAA.

By including Johnson’s amendment in the NDAA, Smith would help to demonstrate that Democratic control of the House of Representatives, achieved in 2018, is winning victories for the Left. Yet based on his track record, Smith is more committed to his own influence as the Chairman of a powerful committee than to pursuing the legislative outcomes his constituents support. During last year’s NDAA process, Smith reneged on promises to fight to keep progressive measures in the final bill. He preferenced a noncontroversial bill that Trump would sign, in order to reinforce the prestige of the Armed Services Committees over pushing for progressive policies. 

Advocates arguing against structural racism and police violence must pressure Smith to address the 1033 program in the bill he writes, and to keep it in the final bill. If he opts to take the path of least resistance again, Smith would not only miss an opportunity to use his considerable power to help demilitarize the police, but he would also call into question whether Democrats in Congress can deliver on real issues of concern to the American people.


google cta
Analysis | Global Crises
Dan Caine
Top photo credit: Secretary of War Pete Hegseth and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff U.S. Air Force Gen. Dan Caine conduct a press briefing on Operation Epic Fury at the Pentagon, Washington, D.C., March 4, 2026. (DoW photo by U.S. Navy Petty Officer 1st Class Alexander Kubitza)

Did Caine just announce the Morgenthau option for Iran?

QiOSK

Gen. Dan Caine’s formulation of American war aims in Iran is remarkable not because it is bellicose, but because it is strategically incoherent.

In a press conference Tuesday morning, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff did not describe a limited campaign to suppress missile fire, blunt Iran’s naval threat, or even impose a severe but bounded setback on Tehran’s coercive instruments. He described a campaign against Iran’s “military and industrial base” designed to prevent the regime from attacking Americans, U.S. interests, and regional partners “for years to come.” In an earlier briefing he put the objective similarly: to prevent Iran from projecting power outside its borders. Rather than the language of a discrete coercive operation, this describes a war against a state’s capacity to regenerate power.

keep readingShow less
Mbs-mbz-scaled
UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan receives Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman at the Presidential Airport in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates November 27, 2019. WAM/Handout via REUTERS

Is the US goading Arab states to join war against Iran?

QiOSK

On Sunday, U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Mike Waltz told ABC News that Arab Gulf states may soon step up their involvement in the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran. “I expect that you'll see additional diplomatic and possibly military action from them in the coming days and weeks,” Waltz said.

Then, on Monday morning, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) slammed Saudi Arabia for staying out of the war even as “Americans are dying and the U.S. is spending billions” of dollars to conduct regime change in Iran. “If you are not willing to use your military now, when are you willing to use it?” Graham asked. “Hopefully this changes soon. If not, consequences will follow.”

keep readingShow less
Why Tehran may have time on its side
Top image credit: Iranian army military personnel stand at attention under a banner featuring an image of an Iranian-made unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) during a military parade commemorating the anniversary of Army Day outside the Shrine of Iran's late leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in the south of Tehran, Iran, on April 18, 2025. (Photo by Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto)

Why Tehran may have time on its side

QiOSK

A provocative calculus by Anusar Farrouqui (“policytensor”) has been circulating on X and in more exhaustive form on the author’s Substack. It purports to demonstrate a sobering reality: in a high-intensity U.S.-Iran conflict, the United States may be unable to suppress Iranian drone production quickly enough to prevent a strategically consequential period of regional devastation.

The argument is framed through a quantitative lens, carrying the seductive appeal of mathematical precision. It arranges variables—such as U.S. sortie rates and degradation efficiency against Iranian repair cycles and rebuild speeds—to suggest a "sustainable firing rate." The implication is that Iran could maintain a persistent strike capability long enough to exhaust American political patience, forcing Washington toward a premature declaration of success or an unfavorable ceasefire.

keep readingShow less
google cta
Want more of our stories on Google?
Click here to make us a Preferred Source.

LATEST

QIOSK

Newsletter

Subscribe now to our weekly round-up and don't miss a beat with your favorite RS contributors and reporters, as well as staff analysis, opinion, and news promoting a positive, non-partisan vision of U.S. foreign policy.