The United States has legitimate nuclear concerns with China
A decisive move would be for Washington to publicly acknowledge what has long been the case: that China has a credible deterrent and that the U.S. and China are mutually vulnerable.
A decisive move would be for Washington to publicly acknowledge what has long been the case: that China has a credible deterrent and that the U.S. and China are mutually vulnerable.
In 1984, a satisfied Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher announced her government’s agreement with Deng Xiaoping’s China over the eventual return of Hong Kong in 1997.
A recent New York Times story hyping a supposed ‘nuclear buildup’ in China sends the wrong messages and ignores what China is actually up to.
The Pentagon has more than it needs should it need to check China, but there’s a bipartisan push in Congress for more.
At worst, the denuclearization horse left the barn a long time ago. At best, a nuclear-free North Korea will require an extensive period of time to come to fruition.
It’s been two years since the historic Singapore Summit, but little progress has been made. The United States needs to start preparing for the long game.
A debate is brewing about the future of U.S. policy toward China and there are many in Washington who are eager for a fight.
The true casualties of an ineffectual trade war are the U.S. economy and increased diplomatic tensions between the world’s largest economies.
The coronavirus-stricken aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt is back at sea to join other U.S. warships in projecting power into the Western Pacific.
The anti-Asian rhetoric emerging from the COVID-19 crisis not only infringes on the rights and security of those of Asian decent, it also creates an atmosphere of fear and mistrust within the U.S. national security apparatus.
Hostility has failed, and twenty-first century threats demand that we cooperate with the rival we need now more than ever.
In response, Beijing is likely to use its economic might and trigger a wide-ranging and flexible toolkit of coercive measures that it has used strategically throughout the world.
Disputes over the origins of and fall out from the new novel coronavirus have supercharged American hawks into pushing for all-out confrontation with China.
A cold war is heating up with China, particularly after a new report that Joe Biden is going to try to — mistakenly — try to out-hawk Trump.
Former Trump national security adviser HR McMaster’s essay calling for the U.S. to take a more confrontational stance on China falls flat.
A China that Russia is increasingly dependent on could serve to limit Moscow’s — indeed, Putin’s own — freedom of action internationally.
Imagine an alternate history after WWII where Hawaii broke away from a decimated United States and sought security guarantees from China.
The Quincy Institute’s Rachel Esplin Odell explains that punitive action against Beijing right now will only undermine U.S. economic interests — after a month that saw more 22 million Americans lose their jobs.
Donald Trump’s North Korea policy has failed. South Korean President Moon Jae-in has the mandate, and the competence, to take over and lead.
Military, diplomatic, historical, and environmental imperatives dictate that the U.S. disengage militarily from the volatile Taiwan issue. Washington should instead focus on facilitating a compromise.
China has internal debates about strategy and policy, and U.S. officials must recognize this in order to enable more moderate perspectives.