Could COVID-19 help wind down the GCC crisis?
History has shown that GCC member-states move closer together in times of international/regional crisis, even if major underlying differences between them persist.
History has shown that GCC member-states move closer together in times of international/regional crisis, even if major underlying differences between them persist.
Mike Pompeo and Mark Esper are as good as their 1986 West Point class motto. When it comes to this country’s wars, neither of them ever quits.
In the upcoming coronavirus stimulus package, these officers and staff members should not only be given recognition for their heroism, but more importantly, they should be rewarded with hazard pay and provided the protective equipment they need.
“What’s true of all the evils in the world is true of plague as well. It helps men to rise above themselves.” – Albert Camus, The Plague.
The Trump administration is contributing to Iran’s COVID-19 crisis by refusing to suspend sanctions. But Iran’s self-imposed isolation is also a major factor.
The most devastating impact of coronavirus may stem from its function as a threat multiplier, much like climate change, which provides a stress test for the United States and for the global order — one that both are failing miserably.
The Trump administration seems to have no intention of offering sanctions relief to Iran amid the COVID-19 crisis and some sort of military confrontation as a result isn’t outside the realm of possibilities.
From Hungary’s authoritarianism to Italy’s call for solidarity to Germany’s tightfistedness, European responses to COVID-19 are all over the map.
Decades of militaristic foreign policy has left the U.S. ill-prepared to combat actual threats to Americans and the world.
While the COVID-19 pandemic is strangling Afghanistan, the country’s leaders are still in the beginning stages of negotiations to end decades of conflict.
The next president must anticipate resistance, both inside and outside government, to shifting away from counterterrorism national security posture.
Mohammed bin Salman’s chaotic and authoritarian stewardship at this moment may well impede the establishment of the fourth Saudi state he wants to lead.
President Eisenhower famously warned of the tradeoffs between foreign and domestic priorities, particularly when it comes to military spending.
Now is probably not the best time for the Defense Secretary to be tweeting about how nuclear weapons development is the Trump administration’s top priority.
The firing could be called a canary in the coal mine if Washington hadn’t already become littered with canary carcasses warning of a Trumpian dystopia devoid of truth and accountability.
If the coronavirus pandemic leads to partial deglobalization and delinkage, the U.S. could, if it chose, resist the urge to attempt managing stability in far flung places.
From the perspective of public discourse in the U.S., our globe-spanning, resource-draining military and security apparatus exists in an entirely parallel universe to the one most Americans experience on a daily level.
We were raised to believe in American exceptionalism. But why are we on track to have the worst coronavirus pandemic outbreak of any country on Earth?
The United States and China have a golden opportunity to bridge their divide and fight a common enemy, the COVID-19 pandemic.
Trade has plummeted, Chinese goods are disappearing from markets, and exports of China’s favorite Central Asian commodity – natural gas – have nosedived.
As coronavirus continues spreading around the world, it is terrifying to consider what this pandemic could do to Libya and, given its porous borders, many nearby countries as well.