The past almost 20 years provide good evidence that our bomb-first-ask-hard-questions-never approach to violence and security challenges has not made us or the world safer.
Like people of color and those of different religions or genders, women experience different challenges and can face greater obstacles to progress — particularly in security-focused careers and institutions that are male-dominated.
Power dynamics in the Muslim world are shifting and splintering, with Saudi Arabia on the outside looking in.
Putin’s investment doesn’t appear to be working out as he may have hoped.
Why was the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies paying Richard Goldberg’s salary while he was working for Trump’s National Security Council?
In the end, Trumo’s assassination of Qassem Soleimani is a futile act, a confession of a bankrupt non-strategy.
We’ve avoided war for now. But the regime-change crowd in Washington won’t stop trying.
Trump doesn’t seem to realize that he himself built the escalation ladder by withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal.
To the sure delight of the hardliners inside and outside the U.S. administration who have always favored regime change, Trump has no plan B that can create a credible path back to diplomacy and negotiations.
President Kennedy once said that, “Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all peoples to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly toward it.”
Hawks hated the Iran nuclear deal because they feared not that it would fail to prevent Iran from getting the bomb, but that it would succeed — and thereby deprive the United States of a rationale to dominate the region and discipline its foe.
Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah recently warned that retaliation for the Soleimani assassination would be aimed at U.S. military assets, suggesting that suicide bombers will be deployed.
If U.S. troops in Iraq are attacked by Iran, the Trump administration will feel compelled to respond, and the U.S. will soon be fighting yet another war in the Middle East.
Regime change is now in its coffin and the assassination of Soleimani is the last nail hammered in.
The attempt to create discord within Iran over the killing of Soleimani, who was widely respected by Iranians of many different walks of life as the protector of Iranian national security, is doomed to fail.
“Globalization worked nicely for some, but left behind tens of millions of Americans, with an unprecedented gap between the rich and the not rich one result.”
The political fallout from Trump’s kill order will extend far wider than Iraq.
Masih Alinejad isn’t just an Iranian journalist and activist. She’s on the U.S. government payroll and works for the increasingly “rabidly pro-Trump” Voice of America.
If Trump and Pompeo really want to de-escalate, that means not only backing off from more provocative and deadly kinetic acts; it also means backing off from the economic warfare that started the destructive cycle.
Would Trump ever assassinate a Chinese military leader?
Congress had the chance to repeal the law authorizing the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq. Team Trump is now using it as legal justification for killing Soleimani.